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11.
RI Birkler R Telving O Ingemann-Hansen AV Charles M Johannsen MF Andreasen 《Forensic science international》2012,222(1-3):154-161
An ultra-performance liquid chromatography time-of-flight mass spectrometry (UPLC-TOF-MS) method for simultaneous screening of 46 medicinal drugs and drugs of abuse in whole blood was developed and validated. The method includes most of the commonly used and abused drugs such as amphetamines, cocaine, benzodiazepines, and opioids. Chromatographic separation of the targeted drugs was achieved using a Waters ACQUITY UPLC coupled to a Waters Micromass LCT Premier XE time-of-flight mass spectrometer. The total chromatographic run time was 13.5min injection to injection. The estimated method LOQ is in the range of 0.06-27ng/g, which is below the therapeutic levels for each of the drugs analyzed but LSD. The extraction recovery ranged from 6% to 197% with median value 95% and mean value 82%. Matrix effect ranged from 81% suppression to 29% enhancement of the signals compared to signals obtained in the absence of biological matrix. The method was tested on 55 authentic forensic toxicology samples confirming the same positive results as found using the routine analytical procedures as well as some additional compounds. Recently there has been considerable attention paid to drug-facilitated sexual assault and the toxicological findings in these cases. As part of a pilot study to investigate the prevalence of medicinal drugs, drugs of abuse, and alcohol in victims of alleged sexual assault, biological specimens were obtained from 167 victims being examined at the Sexual Assault Center in Aarhus, Denmark. The obtained blood samples were analyzed using the novel screening method supported by additional analyses for e.g. THC and alcohol. 124 victims reported they have been drinking alcohol prior to the assault (74%). Alcohol analyses revealed 59 positive findings (48%). 35 of the cases were found positive for one or more drugs excluding alcohol (21%). 20 of the victims reported they have been subject to a drug-facilitated sexual assault (12%). For the victims suspecting drug-facilitated sexual assault, the toxicological analyses revealed four positive for alcohol and nine victims were positive for one or more drugs, with six of the victims found positive for benzodiazepines or other drugs with sedative effects. It was notable that victims tested positive for medicinal drugs and drugs of abuse as well as victims of alleged drug-facilitated sexual assault in average underwent medical examination later than the whole study population. 相似文献
12.
Rune Slothuus 《Scandinavian political studies》2007,30(3):323-344
Recent studies of welfare state retrenchment have argued that policy makers can win public support for welfare state reform by framing the issue in terms of deservingness of welfare recipients. However, this literature has not tested the argument at the individual level. Using a Scandinavian context, this experimental study investigates how alternative framing of a welfare state retrenchment proposal affects citizens' perception of welfare recipients' deservingness, policy support and whether perceptions of deservingness mediate policy opinion. A news story was manipulated to present welfare recipients as either deserving or undeserving of welfare benefits. This issue framing affected citizens' perception of deservingness as well as support for retrenchment policy. Opinion change was partly explained by differences in perceptions of deservingness. These results provide strong support for the effectiveness of the deservingness frame. 相似文献
13.
Rune J. Sørensen 《European Journal of Political Research》1998,34(6):301-327
Local government is subject to extensive lobbying, which is reasonable given the greater importance of the local public sector in large welfare states. Most of the scholarly attention has been focused on lobbying at the national level, often addressing the impact of interest groups on public policies. This article discusses a decision–making model where interest groups optimize their lobbying efforts given the way that different local governments and individual politicians respond to these activities. A number of propositions are tested on the basis of data from Norwegian local government. Contrary to prior theorizing, we do not find that representatives seeking re–election are contacted more frequently by interest groups. Interest groups target their lobbying activities toward politicians who are members of the relevant council committees, and they exert stronger pressure on members of the executive board and active representatives who perceive themselves as influential. Inter–municipal differences are also of importance: The lobbying activities are more intensive where electoral participation is low and in the larger urban municipalities, while the size of legislatures and the strength of the local political leadership affect lobbying efforts negatively. Interest groups tend to be more active in the richer local governments. The demands of the residential population impact weakly on lobbying efforts. 相似文献
14.
A partial adjustment model with endogenous speed of adjustment is developed to analyze how pressure from interest groups and mass media influence the adjustment process of local governments. A survey questionnaire to the local politicians is used to measure the pressure indicators. Based on a combined cross-section and time-series data base for Norwegian local governments, the sluggishness of the adjustment process is estimated. The dynamics of the adjustment process is shown to reflect the activity of interest groups and media pressure. Pressure groups related to primary education explain an important part of the sluggishness observed. Pressure groups promoting kindergartens and health care/care for the elderly stimulate reallocations. 相似文献
15.
Rune Steenberg 《亚洲研究》2019,51(2):274-295
ABSTRACTThe past decade of development schemes has been experienced very differently by various groups within the city of Kashgar in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region of China. The recent exacerbation of social inequalities, stratification, and tensions in Kashgar is a structural consequence of two phases of government policies: an accelerated formalization of the economy and remodelling of the city-scape as part of modernistic development implemented before 2014, followed by a phase of strong securitization. Based on long-term ethnographic fieldwork between 2009 and 2017, this paper analyzes the situation, reactions, and strategies of different groups of Uyghur residents of Kashgar to cope with the changing socio-economic and political environment. 相似文献
16.
Political appointees from different parties from that of their minister—cross‐partisan appointees (CPAs)—are increasingly found in the core executive. Ministerial advisory scholarship has overlooked CPAs, while the coalition governance literature sees them as ‘spies’ and ‘coalition watchdogs’. This article argues theoretically and demonstrates empirically that this conceptualization is overly limited. The empirical basis is a large‐N survey of political appointees from two Norwegian coalitions, and a qualitative follow‐up survey of CPAs. The results show that CPAs monitor on behalf of their party, provide cross‐partisan advice to their minister and perform many of the same tasks as regular partisan appointees, including exercising independent decision‐making power. In this research context, most CPAs act as coalition liaison officers who, rather than create tension and negative dynamics, contribute to building trust between coalition partners. 相似文献
17.
Never Change a Winning Policy? Public Sector Performance and Politicians' Preferences for Reforms 下载免费PDF全文
Despite the increasing stress on performance in public sector organizations, there is still little empirical evidence on whether—and if so, how—politicians respond to performance information. This article addresses this research gap by linking registry statistics on school performance in Norway's 428 municipalities with data from an information experiment embedded in a survey of local politicians. Findings show that school performance bears only a weak relationship to politicians' preferences for resource‐related reforms, but it strongly affects preferences for governance‐related reforms, indicating the importance of accounting for heterogeneity across alternative types of (school) reforms. Moreover, local politicians are, on average, well informed about school performance. This reflects the force of local inhabitants' high information level on politicians' accountability. 相似文献
18.
We study ex post outsourcing of production in an imperfectly discriminating contest, interpreted here as a research tournament or a procurement contest for being awarded some production contract. We find that the possibility of outsourcing increases competition between the contestants, leading to higher total contest effort, if the contest winner is expected to obtain a sufficiently large share of ex post outsourcing rents. Under reasonable assumptions, outsourcing tends also to increase the number of active contestants, strengthening the case for outsourcing to increase total contest effort. If such effort is socially wasteful, outsourcing creates a welfare trade-off between ex ante and ex post efficiency. 相似文献
19.
20.
Rune Jrgen Srensen 《Scandinavian political studies》1987,10(4):301-322
Following the mainstream modelling of ‘politico-economic interaction’, the author reviews the major analyses of the Scandinavian countries. Noting that empirical findings diverge, both for the reaction function and the popularity function, the article estimates these relations on Norwegian data. For the popularity function, the analysis suggests that rates of inflation have a weak, but statistically significant impact on the popularity of governments. For the recent non-socialist governments, the analysis suggests greater impact of unemployment and real wage growth as well. The results for the reaction function support the mainstream notion that declining rates of inflation and increasing unemployment tend to cause more expansionary government policies. The estimated equations do not support the proposition that the election cycle or governments position on the opinion polls influences economic decision-making. Finally, the findings are discussed in the light of traditional normative positions 相似文献