Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec : Je me souviens …

The Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec was created during the Quiet Revolution (la Révolution tranquille), which began on 22 June 1960 following the election of the Liberal Party whose leader, Jean Lesage, called for francophone Quebeckers to reclaim control of their destiny. Thus, promoting the economic development of Quebec was not only the Caisse's raison d'être, but also its primary mandate. This noble mission was defended by successive governments until the early 2000s. In 2008, when seemingly invincible financial institutions such as the American Lehman Brothers investment bank went bankrupt, the Caisse recorded losses of $40 billion. We argue that the collapse of the Caisse was precipitated by revolutionary actions, in the sense described by Kahn (2006), taken by the executive directors of the Caisse and the Charest government during the years prior to its downfall. In 2008, the Caisse had become, first and foremost, an investment fund manager designed to yield profits for its depositors. The downfall of the Caisse eloquently illustrates a drawback of market logic when shamelessly applied to the administration of public funds.     

Book Reviews: South East Asia

The best Lapis lazuli in the world comes from Afghanistan, from Badakhshan, where it has been mined for over 6,000 years.

Merchants carried lapis to cities all over Mesopotamia and ancient Egypt, where distinctive ornaments have subsequently been excavated. More recently emerged a quite different use of lapis-the grinding of the stone to produce pigment for painting (ultramarine) This technique travelled as much as the stone itself from caves in Asia through wall paintings of the early Middle Ages to the Italian Renaissance and, finally to Titian     

Laws to detain individuals with substance dependency: breaching human rights or restoring health?

At the turn of the 20th century in the United Kingdom and Australia, legislation was introduced to detain and treat "inebriates". Since that time, variations of such laws have continued to exist. This column examines current laws in Australia and New Zealand with a particular focus on recent law reform efforts in New South Wales and Victoria. The column raises some of the issues with these laws in relation to breaching human rights for the purpose of treatment.     

Marriage and power: Age at first marriage and spousal age gap in lesser developed countries

This paper examines age at first marriage for women and spousal age gap as an indicator for female agency from 1950 to 2005. Using a dataset of 77 LDCs this paper seeks to explore which variables determine differences at a country level in marriage patterns. We look at the influence of urbanisation, education, percentage population of Muslim faith, and family type. We find that education is a key in determining at what age women marry, having as would be expected a positive effect on age at first marriage and depressing spousal age gap. Urbanisation is significant, with a positive effect on age and negative on spousal age gap, although the effect is not very large. The percentage Muslim variable depresses female age at first marriage and increases spousal age gap but only when family type is not controlled for. The initially strong negative effect of percentage population Muslim over the period under consideration on age of first marriage has decreased, which raises some interesting questions about the role of Islam in female empowerment.     

regimes of visibility: representing violence against women in the French <Emphasis Type="Italic">banlieue</Emphasis>

In 2008, Dutch anti-Islam Member of Parliament Geert Wilders produced a short video called Fitna to visualize his argument that Islam is a dangerous religion. Thousands of men and women across the globe uploaded their own videos to YouTube to criticize or support the film. In this article, we look at these alternative videos from a feminist perspective, contrasting the gender portrayal and narratives in Fitna with those in the alternative videos. We contend that Fitna expressed an extremist Orientalist discourse, in which women are presented as the current and future victims of the oppression of Muslim men and Islam. In contrast, the YouTube videos give voice to women themselves who come from across the globe, are relatively young and often active Muslims. Second, they express different view points in generically new ways, criticizing and ridiculing Wilders or producing serious and committed explanations of their own understanding of Islam. Third, although relatively few women appeared in the videos, those that did speak for themselves, not only take on Wilders, but also claim their right to speak within Islam. We propose to understand these videos as acts of citizenships through which women constitute themselves as global citizens, in some cases by engaging in ‘deliberation’ as it is understood in feminist political theory, in other cases by taking a ‘voice’ that can be responded to.