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101.
102.
This paper builds on the author’s earlier work on benchmark dates in
International Relations. The Introduction summarises this work and explains how
this paper extends the analysis from suggestions made, but not developed, in earlier
publications. The second section looks in detail at 20 th century benchmark dates centred
on the three world wars (First, Second and Cold). It argues that the changes clustered
around the Second World War are both deeper and more extensive than those clustered
around either the First World War or the Cold War. The third section uses these
insights to open-up a macro-historical perspective on the 20 th century, demonstrating
the ways in which choices in relation to both time and scale affect the construction
of macro-historical perspectives. The fourth section demonstrates the advantages of
a two-century perspective on the 20 th century. Here, and in the conclusion, we argue
that the key issues that underpinned world politics in the 20 th century are best seen as
the downstream consequences of the dynamics and challenges ushered in by the 19 th
century “global transformation.” 相似文献
103.
104.
Correlates and consequences of pre-incarceration gang involvement among incarcerated youthful felons
Objective
The primary aim of the study is to document the prevalence and variation in types of pre-incarceration gang membership among a sample of incarcerated felons. The second goal is to consider if and how pre-incarceration gang involvement affects institutional behavior.Materials and Methods
This study builds on the existing literature by considering if and how different types of pre-incarceration gang involvement effect prison misconduct. This relationship is examined while controlling for attitudinal measures and pre-prison social characteristics that may condition entrance into gangs and involvement in serious prison misconduct. The study includes a sample of 504 youthful adults incarcerated in a large Midwestern state in 1996.Results
The results highlight that there is a high degree of variation in pre-incarceration gang involvement. Moreover, involvement in different types of gangs also is a significant predictor of prison misconduct. Individuals involved in organized/criminal gangs at the point of incarceration experienced significantly more serious misconduct reports than their non-gang counterparts, but similar findings were not evident for those involved in unorganized gangs.Conclusions
Even among a relatively serious population of youthful adult offenders, pre-incarceration gang involvement is uncommon. Pre-incarceration involvement in organized gangs represents a significant risk factor for prison misconduct. 相似文献105.
As long as there has been democratic government, skeptics have worried that citizens would base their choices and their votes on superficial considerations. A series of recent studies seems to validate these fears, suggesting that candidates who merely look more capable or attractive perform better in elections. In this article, we examine the underlying process behind the appearance effect. Specifically, we test whether the effect of appearance is more pronounced among those who know little about politics but are exposed to visual images of candidates. To do so, we combine appearance‐based assessments of U.S. Senate and gubernatorial candidates with individual‐level survey data measuring vote intent, political knowledge, and television exposure. Confirming long‐standing concerns about image and television, we find that appealing‐looking politicians benefit disproportionately from television exposure, primarily among less knowledgeable individuals. 相似文献
106.
Lawson C 《Journal of law and medicine》2011,18(3):554-576
This article addresses the development of the World Health Organisation's (WHO) arrangements for accessing viruses and the development of vaccines to respond to potential pandemics (and other lesser outbreaks). It examines the ongoing "conflict" between the United Nations' Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the World Trade Organisation's Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) in the context of the debates about the paramountcy of intellectual property, and the potential for other (equity and development) imperatives to over-ride respect for intellectual property and TRIPS. The article concludes that the same intellectual property fault lines are evident in the WHO forum as those apparent at the CBD and the WTO fora, and an ongoing failure to properly address questions of equity and development. This poses a challenge for the Australian Government in guaranteeing a satisfactory pandemic influenza preparation and response. 相似文献
107.
Sean F. Reardon Elena Tej Grewal Demetra Kalogrides Erica Greenberg 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2012,31(4):876-904
In this paper, we investigate whether the school desegregation produced by court‐ordered desegregation plans persists when school districts are released from court oversight. Over 200 medium‐sized and large districts were released from desegregation court orders from 1991 to 2009. We find that racial school segregation in these districts increased gradually following release from court order, relative to the trends in segregation in districts remaining under court order. These increases are more pronounced in the South, in elementary grades, and in districts where prerelease school segregation levels were low. These results suggest that court‐ordered desegregation plans are effective in reducing racial school segregation, but that their effects fade over time in the absence of continued court oversight. 相似文献
108.
The purpose of this study was to identify common factors in false allegation adult crimes, by examining the dynamics involved in 30 confirmed false allegation cases. The authors conducted a comprehensive review of these adjudicated cases and then completed a collection instrument to capture offender demographics, offense characteristics, and motive. The results indicated that most false allegation crimes were committed by women (73.3%) and Caucasians (93.3%). Data indicated that more interpersonally violent allegations were primarily motivated by attention/sympathy needs (50.0%), whereas more impersonal offenses involved other motivations such as providing an alibi (16.7%) or profit (13.3%). Offenders tended to be younger, high school graduates with no higher education (43.3%). A total of 23.3% of offenders had a prior criminal history. Male offenders appeared as likely as women to be motivated by attention/sympathy; however, men tended to select more violent, nonsexual offenses (e.g., attempted murder) than women. 相似文献
109.
4-Methylmethamphetamine has been detected in samples submitted for analysis in several states throughout Australia. Six ring substituted methyl isomers of methamphetamine and amphetamine were synthesised and analysed. As the regioisomeric 2-, 3- and 4-methylmethamphetamine and 2-, 3- and 4-methylamphetamine have virtually identical mass spectra, the use of MS is an ineffective technique to discriminate between these closely related compounds. We set out to determine whether the regioisomers could be differentiated by a combination of GC-MS, acetyl derivatisation and GC-IRD. We demonstrate that the three isomers of methylmethamphetamine and methylamphetamine can be separated by GC, and a combination of acetyl derivatisation and vapour phase IR can identify the specific ring substituted compound. 相似文献
110.
Sean Farhang 《Law & social inquiry》2012,37(3):657-685
Examining qualitative historical evidence from cases of federal regulation in the areas of labor, civil rights, and environmental policy, this article provides support for the hypothesis that divergence between legislative and executive preferences—a core and distinctive feature of the American constitutional order—creates an incentive for Congress to rely upon private lawsuits, as an alternative to administrative power, to achieve its regulatory goals. It also shows that this mechanism encouraging statutory mobilization of private litigants had been operative long before its powerful growth started in the late 1960s, that it operated in similar fashion with Republican legislators facing Democratic presidents and Democratic legislators facing Republican presidents, and that it remained a source of controversy and an active influence on congressional decision making throughout the half century covering the 1940s through the 1980s. 相似文献