全文获取类型
收费全文 | 243篇 |
免费 | 25篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 27篇 |
工人农民 | 8篇 |
世界政治 | 16篇 |
外交国际关系 | 19篇 |
法律 | 107篇 |
中国政治 | 2篇 |
政治理论 | 88篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 2篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 5篇 |
2020年 | 5篇 |
2019年 | 9篇 |
2018年 | 12篇 |
2017年 | 21篇 |
2016年 | 21篇 |
2015年 | 10篇 |
2014年 | 10篇 |
2013年 | 36篇 |
2012年 | 17篇 |
2011年 | 9篇 |
2010年 | 7篇 |
2009年 | 11篇 |
2008年 | 8篇 |
2007年 | 18篇 |
2006年 | 12篇 |
2005年 | 10篇 |
2004年 | 12篇 |
2003年 | 3篇 |
2002年 | 8篇 |
2001年 | 2篇 |
2000年 | 1篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1998年 | 3篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有268条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
121.
122.
123.
Moya Flynn Sean R. Roberts Steven Seegel Olga Maiorova Karl Cordell Simona Mameli 《Nationalities Papers》2013,41(1):95-108
Magocsi has held the Chair of Ukrainian Studies at the University of Toronto for three decades during which he has devoted himself to both Ukrainian and Rusyn history. Critics of Magocsi, particularly in the Ukrainian diaspora in North America, focus on his Rusyn publications while ignoring his great contribution to Ukrainian history which remains unparalleled among other Western historians of Ukraine and other Chairs of Ukrainian History and academic institutions. 相似文献
124.
125.
Political discussion research often focuses on general discussion without analyzing interesting subsets of interpersonal communication, such as political advocacy. Political advocacy is crucial to study because it is where citizens make clear statements of their beliefs when trying to influence others, which democratic theorists cite as valuable in spreading information in discussion networks. In this project, we test theoretically relevant determinants of political advocacy, focusing on campaign spending. Using multilevel logistic regression models of American National Election Study survey data from presidential elections between 1976 and 2008, we find that campaign spending correlates with an increase in the likelihood of advocating. We also find that the likelihood of being an advocate correlates with greater political discussion, television usage, interest in politics, partisanship, efficacy, and socioeconomic status. Additionally, we break these results down by party spending and party identification, and find differentiated results by party. Generally, these results show how the electoral environment shapes interpersonal communication. 相似文献
126.
Sean Zielenbach 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(4):621-655
Abstract Neighborhoods surrounding large public housing developments have historically been economically distressed. The revitalization of many developments through the federal HOPE VI program, in conjunction with increased inner‐city lending and a strong economy for much of the 1990s, should theoretically lead to improvements in these neighborhoods. This study analyzes changes in selected HOPE VI neighborhoods since 1990 and compares them with changes in other high‐poverty communities, as well as with overall trends in their respective cities. At the beginning of the decade, conditions in HOPE VI communities were almost universally worse than in other high‐poverty areas. By the end of the decade, the relationship was reversed. The changes resulted from a number of interrelated factors, including the redevelopments themselves, other private market activity, specific commitments of resources by city governments, and increased attention to the communities by lenders. These neighborhoods still qualify as economically distressed, but economic development now seems a realistic possibility. 相似文献
127.
Pierrini G Doyle S Champod C Taroni F Wakelin D Lock C 《Forensic science international》2007,167(1):43-48
Currently, the use of isotopic ratio as corroborative evidence in criminal trials is explored. Beyond the analytical challenges that have been reported elsewhere, the crucial issue of the interpretation of analytical results in a fair and balanced way remains poorly documented. The aim of this paper is to propose a likelihood ratio approach for the evaluation of stable isotope data acquired from semtex samples. It will also lead to recommendations in relation to the acquisition of normalised international data. 相似文献
128.
129.
Professor Sean A. Spence 《Legal and Criminological Psychology》2008,13(1):11-25
The advent of functional neuroimaging raises the intriguing possibility that investigators might be able to determine (one day) whether an individual is lying or telling the truth, according to the activity of their brain. Ultimately, such techniques might be applied in the forensic sphere. However, the empirical data supporting this conjecture derive from a body of work that is still early on in its development. Hence, when invited to play ‘Devil's advocate’, the author is prompted to critique a pivotal weakness within the current literature. The latter comprises 16 peer‐reviewed functional magnetic resonance imaging studies purporting to describe the neural correlates of lying. Most have demonstrated greater activation of prefrontal regions while participants lie relative to when they tell the truth. Most have failed to detect areas where truthfulness elicits specific activation (consistent with the view that truthfulness constitutes a ‘baseline’ in human cognition and communication; while lying requires something more). However, there is a great deal of variation between the findings described and, crucially, there is an absence of replication by investigators of their own findings. Hence, basic issues of reliability need to be addressed before functional neuroimaging is applied to cases that matter in the ‘real world’. 相似文献
130.
When defined in terms of social identity and affect toward copartisans and opposing partisans, the polarization of the American electorate has dramatically increased. We document the scope and consequences of affective polarization of partisans using implicit, explicit, and behavioral indicators. Our evidence demonstrates that hostile feelings for the opposing party are ingrained or automatic in voters' minds, and that affective polarization based on party is just as strong as polarization based on race. We further show that party cues exert powerful effects on nonpolitical judgments and behaviors. Partisans discriminate against opposing partisans, doing so to a degree that exceeds discrimination based on race. We note that the willingness of partisans to display open animus for opposing partisans can be attributed to the absence of norms governing the expression of negative sentiment and that increased partisan affect provides an incentive for elites to engage in confrontation rather than cooperation. 相似文献