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The article examines the reluctance of Arab culture to ‘Western’ ideas of education and technology. It, first, establishes a conceptual framework for those cultures dominated by ‘retroactivism’—a school of thought that advocates a return to traditions and argues against progressive innovation. The article then puts this framework into practice, addressing the research question: In what instances, if any, do retroactivists accept educational and technological progress? This question was answered by first examining the ways in which a retroactivistic culture approached educational and technological progress. This examination helped generate a timeline of attempts to introduce educational and technological innovations into Arab culture. This timeline shows that Arab culture resists innovation in all its various forms and therefore sustains a retroactivism-dominated way of life. Retroactivists believe in what ‘renewism’ or ‘revivalism’: referring to movements that emerge from time to time throughout history that issue appeals to adhere to old norms and values, using strategies to remind society of the need to return to past ideologies. This means that, although retroactivistic cultures might accept certain innovations, there can occasionally be ‘renewistic movements’ that seek to bring society back to old times, thereby seeking to (peacefully or violently) undermine or eliminate existing innovations. 相似文献
173.
Public sector management in Hong Kong is facing major challenges as the territory has undergone substantial changes in the past four decades. A small government, following a policy of nonintervention in a colonial setting, has resulted in a highly structured system whereby it is more convenient to plan and coordinate administrative activities. This centralised structure and the prevailing role culture have combined to facilitate the implementation and institutionalisation of changes in the public service. Considering the experience and activities of selected government departments, it appears that there is a move toward more accountability and a consumer-oriented approach to public sector management in Hong Kong. The new initiatives appear to be consistent with the needs and mood of the society and seem likely to persist in the future, despite an element of uncertainty stemming from the reversal of sovereignty to the People's Republic of China. 相似文献
174.
Zoon Ahmed Khan 《北京周报(英文版)》2021,64(3):18-19
In 2013,when Chinese President Xi Jinping proposed the Belt and Road Initiative,at that time people understood very little about what a shared future for all humanity meant.And they understood even less the vision that sought to unite without unifying,spoke of a moral leadership without moralizing,and conceived of a power based on partnerships and not alliances. 相似文献
175.
Shamila Ahmed 《Critical Criminology》2016,24(1):111-125
The ‘war on terror’ has had an enormous impact on citizens’ legal rights and legal status. Using data from interviews with British Pakistani Kashmiri Muslims, this paper explores how the change to citizens’ legal rights and legal status in the ‘war on terror’, the legal dimension of citizenship, has impacted the psychological dimension of citizenship. Through denoting legal rights, equality and status the study revealed the powerful role of the state and the police in shaping citizens’ perceptions of the legal dimension of citizenship. The paper explores how changes to participants’ perceptions of their legal status and legal rights are instrumental in shaping the psychological dimension of citizenship—participants’ sense of loyalty, belonging and attachment to their British identity and their Islamic identity. 相似文献
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Ahmed Adnan Al-Nuemat 《Liverpool Law Review》2013,34(2):91-104
Crimes targeting to damage the property of natural and legal individuals including states are in existence while the objective of people, groups and the entire organizations when committing crimes is illegal property gain in the structure of national, but also of global crime. However, they are insufficient hence they attempt to decriminalize money or other property earned in such manner, e.g. by inserting them into lawful operations and flows. Nonetheless, perpetrators of this kind of crime attempt to hide the right source of money or profit earned in such manner using all means possible. Banking secrecy is one of the main barriers that stand in front of anti-money laundering because it comprises of a barrier to access to bank deposits, and a protection for doubtful funds since it is one of the conventional rules pertinent to the work banks, where clients’ secrets and banking operations are saved by Bank’s commitment by law and custom unless there is provision in the law or in the agreement stating otherwise. This study is aimed at indicating the most significant stages and techniques of money laundering at banking institutions in Jordan and also discussing the function of the Jordanian banks in the light of the pertinent legislation. 相似文献
180.
Ismail I Ahmed 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(1):113-127
Somalia and Somaliland are both inhabited basically by Somaliswith small Oromo minorities in both, and a large Swahili minority in the latter. Both have multiple clans, sub-clans, lineage and blood groups and in both Islam is central to social values. Somalia had no history of a stable state before Italian rule but Somaliland did (Haud-Hargeisa-Berbera-Arabia trade axis centred). The United Republic of Somalia (rejected in the referendum by Somaliland) passed from political instability to two decades of Said Barre's increasingly centralised and repressive dictatorship which waged war against the North-west (Somaliland) and North-east (Bosaso) as well as against Ethiopia. The dictatorship collapsed in 1991 basically because of the 1987-91 Somaliland Liberation war. The economies of Somalia/Somaliland turn on pastoral production, commerce and remittances. These have recovered in part in Somalia and fully in Somaliland. However, only a fraction of the Barre regimes dissolution of service delivery and user friendly law and order capicity has been made good in Somaliland and virtually more in Somalia. USA/UN intervention did limit starvation and-for a time-open violence. That was at a high cost in finances, in the reputation of peacekeeping and to Somalis. UNOSOM answered political and civil questions before having any real grasp of civil, political and economic realities. The price was to entrench warlords and militias and to marginalise 'peacelords' (elders and merchants). Somaliland, never occupied by UNOSOM, has engaged in a series of large, long peace conferences of elders from all parts of its territory leading to a real if fragile national/territorial identity with personal security in most areas, an elected president and two house parliament, a user friendly police force and court system and the beginnings of a restored professional civil service. 相似文献