全文获取类型
收费全文 | 208篇 |
免费 | 2篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 4篇 |
工人农民 | 2篇 |
世界政治 | 30篇 |
外交国际关系 | 9篇 |
法律 | 31篇 |
政治理论 | 134篇 |
出版年
2017年 | 3篇 |
2015年 | 2篇 |
2013年 | 15篇 |
2010年 | 1篇 |
2009年 | 3篇 |
2008年 | 1篇 |
2007年 | 4篇 |
2006年 | 5篇 |
2005年 | 4篇 |
2004年 | 8篇 |
2003年 | 5篇 |
2002年 | 10篇 |
2001年 | 5篇 |
2000年 | 12篇 |
1999年 | 9篇 |
1998年 | 6篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
1996年 | 4篇 |
1995年 | 7篇 |
1994年 | 4篇 |
1993年 | 4篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 4篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 5篇 |
1988年 | 6篇 |
1987年 | 4篇 |
1986年 | 4篇 |
1985年 | 4篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 3篇 |
1981年 | 2篇 |
1980年 | 2篇 |
1979年 | 4篇 |
1978年 | 3篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
1975年 | 3篇 |
1974年 | 3篇 |
1973年 | 4篇 |
1972年 | 3篇 |
1971年 | 3篇 |
1970年 | 3篇 |
1969年 | 2篇 |
1968年 | 4篇 |
1967年 | 5篇 |
1966年 | 3篇 |
1965年 | 3篇 |
1964年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有210条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
181.
182.
This paper analyzes discrimination in light of two possibilities (1) that variety has a positive marginal value and (2) that it is less costly to deal with more homogeneous inputs. In market settings it explains the anomaly that firms practicing discrimination in hiring may survive in a competitive environment. In non-market settings it explains the minority separatism practiced under the name of “multiculturalism” on college campuses. Curriculum reforms in the direction of more ethnic, racial and religious “exclusivity” may be understood as attempts to change the constraints within which individuals of diverse cultural backgrounds, brought together into intimate contact, may maximize their utilities. 相似文献
183.
184.
185.
Steven W. Mosher Norma Diamond Dennis Doverspike Donald C. Simmons Philip Siegelman Joseph Adelson Peter L. Berger David Mechanic Peter Van Ness Harry Schwartz Irving Louis Horowitz Thomas Kochman David Willems Mauricio Schoijet Stanley Rothman Asoke Basu Seymour Martin Lipset Richard Rose 《Society》1984,21(3):4-12
186.
187.
Verbatim contemporaneous accounts of 20 investigative interviews were compared with audiotaped recordings thereof. More than half (57%) of the interviewers' utterances along with 25% of the incident-relevant details provided by the children were not reported in the verbatim notes. The structure of the interviews was also represented inaccurately in these accounts. Fewer than half (44%) of the details provided by the children were attributed to the correct eliciting utterance type. Investigators systematically misattributed details to more open rather than more focused prompts. These results underscore the superiority of electronic recording when the content and structure of investigative interviews must be preserved. 相似文献
188.
Shale Horowitz 《East Asia》2002,20(1):81-106
The 1997 financial crisis exposed serious weaknesses in South Korea's economy, with its heavy reliance on large conglomerates
(chaebol). During the late authoritarian period, the chaebol arose through state guidance and subsidies, becoming the central
players in South Korea's export-led growth boom. The early democratic period saw limited efforts toward economic liberalization.
But these measures reduced state oversight while actually expanding the privileged access to credit enjoyed by the chaebol.
The resulting investment distortions and financial weaknesses were the most important root causes of the 1997 crisis. The
1997 presidential election brought the outsider Kim Dae-jung to power. Kim launched an unprecedented assault on the credit
privileges and corporate governance structures of the chaebol. However, the reforms have been compromised by measures to prevent
a large transitional recession. It is argued that the overall pattern of ambitious but compromised reform is explained by
two main considerations. First, Kim did not want to alienate “dispersed interest groups” (the urban service sector and agriculture).
These want to conserve the favorable elements of South Korea's economic model while purging the dross. And at the same time,
Kim wanted to focus transitional restructuring costs on the most hostile “concentrated interest group” constituencies (the
chaebol and government sectors) of the opposition Grand National Party.
I thank Uk Heo and Sunwoong Kim for their helpful suggestions and insights. 相似文献
189.
The outcome of ongoing debates over the future of American military strategy will play a critical role in shaping the foreign and military policies of the United States over the next decade. Traditionalists worry about the shift towards emphasizing counterinsurgency (COIN) operations and irregular warfare, believing that the use of force is often ineffective in COIN situations and the American military should concentrate on planning for conventional war. In contrast, COIN advocates argue that the United States must focus its efforts on preparing for the wars it is most likely to fight, irregular wars. However, both schools of thought rely on assumptions about the future security environment that may reveal another path forward. First, although it seems intuitive to view irregular warfare as the dominant future concern, it is exceedingly difficult to predict accurately the future security environment, as the last 20 years have clearly shown. Second, and perhaps most importantly, the character of emergent threats will depend on how the United States focuses its resources. Paradoxically, no matter what it emphasizes, the military threats the United States is or will be most capable of defeating are the ones it is least likely to face, since potential adversaries will be deterred and seek other ways of confrontation. However, with some smart and careful investments, including the recognition that not all parts of the military have to be optimized for the same task, the United States military can both lock in its conventional dominance and continue to improve its ability to succeed in the irregular wars most likely to dominate the landscape in the short to medium term. 相似文献
190.