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751.
Although the majority of the general population decides not to offend, a significant proportion decides otherwise. The research presented in this article explores whether offenders reason in manners that are comparable with a non-offender population, or if their decision to offend may be a consequence of inappropriate reasoning strategies. Psychologists have observed systematic deviations from logical predictions of reasoning behavior on a variety of tasks and that content specific information can have marked effects on reasoning behavior. Established reasoning tasks were adapted for use in a crime specific context to examine whether such biases were apparent in an offender population. Moreover, given a paucity of research into gender differences, the research conducted balanced for gender in a methodologically rigorous design. Data suggested that reasoning biases found with non-offender populations extended to an offender population and some interactions by gender and by offender group were noted. Implications of the results are discussed with suggestions on how the research may be extended and implications for policy.  相似文献   
752.
753.
Simon Lightfoot 《政治学》1997,17(2):109-115
The Swedish Government's proposal for an 'Employment Union' to offset the potential increases in unemployment caused by moves towards Economic and Monetary Union, has put the problem of unemployment at the top of the agenda of the current Intergovernmental Conference. Domestic political pressures coupled with a belief that the EU offers the potential for a solution to this problem, were key factors behind the decision to table an amendment. Forging links with other European social democratic parties to generate support for the proposal, the Swedish Social Democrats need the proposal to succeed for both domestic political ends and to safeguard the future of the European project.  相似文献   
754.
755.
Simon Hug 《Public Choice》1995,82(1-2):159-180
Under standard assumptions equilibria with three parties normally do not exist in spatial models of electoral competition. In this paper I show that such equilibria are possible if it is assumed that voters are uncertain about the exact policies parties will adopt once elected. Substantive predictions can be derived from the model, explaining some features of three-party competition. First, the least risk party will always take the most moderate position. Second, this position is also winning. Third, the two riskier parties are always on opposite sides of the median voter and also of the moderate party.  相似文献   
756.
Abstract. This article analyses the structure and evolution of the literature on parties and party systems in Europe since 1945. Using a bibliographical database comprising all references to scientific work on parties and party systems, we propose an innovative quantitative analysis. The completeness of our database allows us to show in detail the evolution of the literature over time. On the basis of a systematic coding of all references with respect to the type of parties, the countries and topics covered, as well as the language, place and type of publication, we propose a detailed quantitative analysis of the literature in all its dimensions. The result of our exploration is an accurate map of the literature on political parties in Europe.  相似文献   
757.
Book reviews     
Michael Cox, US Foreign Policy After the Cold War; Superpower Without a Mission?, (Pinter, London 1995). 148pp. ISBN 1–85567–221–9.

Philip John Davies (ed), An American Quarter Century: US Politics From Vietnam to Clinton, (Manchester University Press, Manchester 1995). 279pp. ISBN 0–7190–4514–2.

Goran Therborn, European Modernity and Beyond: The Trajectory of European Societies, (Sage, London 1995). 403pp. ISBN 8039 8934 2.

John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary, Explaining Northern Ireland, (Blackwell, Oxford 1995). 535pp. ISBN 0–631–18349–3.

Jerzy Szacki, Liberalism After Communism, (Central European Press, Budapest 1995). 216pp. ISBN 1–85866–015–7 (hb), 1–85866–016–5 (pb).

Janusz Bugajski, Nations in Turmoil: Conflict and Cooperation in Eastern Europe, second edition, (Westview Press, Boulder 1995). 265pp. ISBN 0–8133–2351–7 (hb), 0–8133–2350–9 (pb).

Jeremy Lester, Modern Tsars and Princes: The Struggle for Hegemony in Russia, (Verso, London 1995). 320pp. ISBN 1–85984–039–6 (pb).  相似文献   

758.
A Global Ranking of Political Science Departments   总被引:3,自引:5,他引:3  
Rankings of academic institutions are key information tools for universities, funding agencies, students and faculty. The main method for ranking departments in political science, through peer evaluations, is subjective, biased towards established institutions, and costly in terms of time and money. The alternative method, based on supposedly 'objective' measures of outputs in scientific journals, has thus far only been applied narrowly in political science, using publications in a small number of US-based journals. An alternative method is proposed in this paper – that of ranking departments based on the quantity and impact of their publications in the 63 main political science journals in a given five-year period. The result is a series of global and easily updatable rankings that compare well with results produced by applying a similar method in economics.  相似文献   
759.
Simon Shen 《政治学》2004,24(2):122-130
Focusing on the Chinese response towards the Belgrade Embassy Bombing in 1999 as a case study, this article will address the role of contemporary Chinese nationalism in the Chinese foreign policymaking process. By dividing the meaning of Chinese nationalism into several layers, the author will explore the potential of nationalism in replacing communism as the new frame for Chinese foreign policy after the death of Mao. Then the article will examine four possible explanations in an attempt to account for a primarily nationalist Chinese foreign policy in response to the Belgrade Embassy bombing. Underlying the analysis of these arguments is the suggestion that contemporary Chinese nationalism exists more vividly in official rhetoric than actuality, and that it is unlikely to become the new Chinese foreign policy framer in the future.  相似文献   
760.
This paper examines three arguments that attempt to justify liberal neutrality. Firstly the type of neutrality between conceptions of the good that is sought by the arguments is explained. Then the contractarian procedure that is one of the premises of each of the arguments is presented. The remaining sections then examine the arguments, which are Thomas Nagel's appeal to epistemic restraint, Brian Barry's appeal to the uncertainty thesis, and John Rawls's appeal to the burdens of judgement. The arguments attempt to show how the contractarian procedure results in liberal neutrality. They do so by trying to show how no conception of the good can be acceptable to everyone due to the epistemological status of conceptions of the good. It is concluded that none of the arguments succeeds.  相似文献   
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