Measures of aggression and mood changes in male weightlifters with and without androgenic anabolic steroid use

Supraphysiologic doses of testosterone are associated with increased aggression that is hypothesized to be a function of testosterone serum concentrations, mood, and personality. The study attempted to characterize this relationship among weightlifters who were users (n = 10) and nonusers (n = 18) of anabolic steroids. Participants were interviewed using the Modified Mania Rating Scale and Hamilton Rating Scale for Depression to assess mood, the Buss-Durkee Hostility Inventory (BDHI) and Point Subtraction Aggression Paradigm (PSAP) to assess aggression, and the Personality Disorder Questionnaire (PDQ-R) to assess personality. Blood samples were obtained for the determination of total, free, and weakly bound testosterone. Comparisons of continuous variables between testosterone users and non-users were performed with a parametric (unpaired t-test) or non-parametric (Mann-Whitney) test where appropriate. Correlations with testosterone were examined separately for testosterone users and non-users, using Spearman rank correlation. The subjective (BDHI) and objective (PSAP) assessments of aggression found that supranormal testosterone concentrations were associated with increased aggression. However, the PDQ-R results suggest that this finding was confounded by the personality disorder profile of the steroid users, because steroid users demonstrated Cluster B personality disorder traits for antisocial, borderline, and histrionic personality disorder.     

Selection Bias in Comparative Research: The Case of Incomplete Data Sets

Selection bias is an important but often neglected problem incomparative research. While comparative case studies pay someattention to this problem, this is less the case in broadercross-national studies, where this problem may appear throughthe way the data used are generated. The article discusses threeexamples: studies of the success of newly formed political parties,research on protest events, and recent work on ethnic conflict.In all cases the data at hand are likely to be afflicted byselection bias. Failing to take into consideration this problemleads to serious biases in the estimation of simple relationships.Empirical examples illustrate a possible solution (a variationof a Tobit model) to the problems in these cases. The articlealso discusses results of Monte Carlo simulations, illustratingunder what conditions the proposed estimation procedures leadto improved results.     

The microeconomic voter

In the United States, aggregate and individual level studies of economic voting for the Congress have produced contradictory findings. The same is true for models of economic voting for the Australian Parliament. This paper presents data taken from a series of individual level studies which show that voters' attitudes towards fiscal and microeconomic issues have been better predictors of the vote for the Australian House of Representatives over the last four elections than their attitudes towards macroeconomic issues. This finding suggests that the cause of the inconsistency between aggregate and individual level models of voting may be that aggregate models of economic voting which include only macroeconomic variables are inadequately specified, since they do not take broader aspects of the economy into account.     

Family Characteristics and Adolescent Competence in India: Investigation of Youth in Southern Orissa

This study examines the relationship among a host of family characteristics and indicators of adolescent competence in a sample (N = 107) of 8th- and 9th-grade students in one school located in Berhampur city in Orissa state, India. Social competence (SC) and antisocial behavior (AB) were assessed by teachers, and adolescents evaluated various areas of their own competence on a perceived competence scale. Final examination grades also were obtained as a general measure of cognitive competence. The results indicated that families of more socially competent participants tended to be verbally and emotionally expressive; democratic with regard to discipline, input, and decision making; close but not enmeshed; higher in their level of parent–adolescent communication and family ideals; and lower in external locus of control. Consequently, families of more antisocial adolescents had more conflict and enmeshment and were more external-locus-of-control oriented and either permissive or authoritarian. Finally, several personal and family demographic traits were positively associated with SC and negatively associated with AB, including gender (girls higher in SC and lower in AB than boys), age and grade (older students and those in grade 9 more competent and less problematic), education level of mothers and fathers (positively related to SC and negatively to AB), and birth order (middle children in the family lower in self-perceptions of competence than oldest or youngest children). The findings have implications for parenting and family-life education efforts in India that could have a major impact on the development of adolescent competence.     

Politische Orientierungen gewerkschaftlich organisierter Arbeiter- und Mittelschichten in der Schweiz

Das Thema dieser Studie sind die politischen Einstellungen von ge-werkschaftlich organisierten Arbeitnehmerinnen und Arbeitnehmern in der Schweiz. Anhand von Daten einer repräsentativen Befragung von Mitgliedern von drei schweizerischen Gewerkschaften (GBI, SMUV, VPOD) und eines Angestelltenverbandes (VSAM) wird im folgenden dokumentiert, dass die "traditionelle" Arbeiterschicht, die "sozialkulturellen Spezialisten" sowie die "Technokraten" und "Manager" jeweils unterschiedliche politische Orientierungen vertreten. Während die Arbeiter für "klassisch" linke, sozialdemokratische und eher materialistische politische Positionen einstehen, sind die gewerkschaftlich organisierten "sozialkulturellen Spezialisten" in der Mittelschicht deutlich linker und postmaterialistischer und die ebenfalls der Mittelschicht zuzurechnenden "Technokraten" und "Manager" eher bürgerlich und materialistischer eingestellt. Insgesamt lassen sich weder für die These einer Entpolitisierung noch für die These einer Konvergenz der politischen Orientierungen eindeutige Hinweise finden. Vielmehr ist die gewerkschaftlich organisierte Arbeitnehmerschaft in der Schweiz politisch heterogen. Diese Heterogenität wiederum reduziert die Macht und Einflusschancen der schweizerischen Gewerkschaftsbewegung.     

Use of subpopulation data in Australian forensic DNA casework

DNA profiling evidence presented in court should be accompanied by a reliable estimate of its evidential weight. In calculating such statistics, allele frequencies from commonly employed autosomal microsatellite loci are required. These allele frequencies should be collected at a level that appropriately represents the genetic diversity that exists in the population. Typically this occurs at broadly defined bio-geographic categories, such as Caucasian or Asian. Datasets are commonly administered at the jurisdictional level. This paper focuses on Australian jurisdictions and assesses whether this current practice is appropriate for Aboriginal Australian and Caucasian populations alike. In keeping with other studies we observe negligible differences between Caucasian populations within Australia when segregated geographically. However segregation of Aboriginal Australian population data along contemporary State and Territory lines appears to mask the diversity that exists within this subpopulation. For this reason datasets collated along more traditional lines may be more appropriate, particularly to distinguish the most genetically differentiated populations residing in the north of the continent.     

Republicanism and human rights: a plausible combination?

I consider a small but growing corner of the global justice literature: conceptions of human rights advanced under republican lights. I outline three recent republican justificatory arguments for principles of global justice embodied in human rights: Stuart White's appeal to the republican emphasis on civic virtue, and the appeals to a republican conception of liberty advanced by Philip Pettit and James Bohman. I argue that in all three accounts, too little attention is paid to constraints on the reasons that can be offered to a diverse domain of agents. I sketch an outline of the criteria plausible justificatory reasons must contain. In the appeal to virtue, no such reasons are forthcoming. In the appeal to liberty, such reasons may be forthcoming if republicans give up the claim that human rights are justified by appeal to ‘liberty’ itself. I conclude that a suitably modified appeal to the republican conception of liberty may be plausible.