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71.
Simon Geissbühler 《Swiss Political Science Review》1999,5(2):39-65
Das Thema dieser Studie sind die politischen Einstellungen von ge-werkschaftlich organisierten Arbeitnehmerinnen und Arbeitnehmern in der Schweiz. Anhand von Daten einer repräsentativen Befragung von Mitgliedern von drei schweizerischen Gewerkschaften (GBI, SMUV, VPOD) und eines Angestelltenverbandes (VSAM) wird im folgenden dokumentiert, dass die "traditionelle" Arbeiterschicht, die "sozialkulturellen Spezialisten" sowie die "Technokraten" und "Manager" jeweils unterschiedliche politische Orientierungen vertreten. Während die Arbeiter für "klassisch" linke, sozialdemokratische und eher materialistische politische Positionen einstehen, sind die gewerkschaftlich organisierten "sozialkulturellen Spezialisten" in der Mittelschicht deutlich linker und postmaterialistischer und die ebenfalls der Mittelschicht zuzurechnenden "Technokraten" und "Manager" eher bürgerlich und materialistischer eingestellt. Insgesamt lassen sich weder für die These einer Entpolitisierung noch für die These einer Konvergenz der politischen Orientierungen eindeutige Hinweise finden. Vielmehr ist die gewerkschaftlich organisierte Arbeitnehmerschaft in der Schweiz politisch heterogen. Diese Heterogenität wiederum reduziert die Macht und Einflusschancen der schweizerischen Gewerkschaftsbewegung. 相似文献
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73.
Simon J. Walsh R. John Mitchell Fraser Torpy John S. Buckleton 《Forensic Science International: Genetics Supplement Series》2007,1(3-4):238-246
DNA profiling evidence presented in court should be accompanied by a reliable estimate of its evidential weight. In calculating such statistics, allele frequencies from commonly employed autosomal microsatellite loci are required. These allele frequencies should be collected at a level that appropriately represents the genetic diversity that exists in the population. Typically this occurs at broadly defined bio-geographic categories, such as Caucasian or Asian. Datasets are commonly administered at the jurisdictional level. This paper focuses on Australian jurisdictions and assesses whether this current practice is appropriate for Aboriginal Australian and Caucasian populations alike. In keeping with other studies we observe negligible differences between Caucasian populations within Australia when segregated geographically. However segregation of Aboriginal Australian population data along contemporary State and Territory lines appears to mask the diversity that exists within this subpopulation. For this reason datasets collated along more traditional lines may be more appropriate, particularly to distinguish the most genetically differentiated populations residing in the north of the continent. 相似文献
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75.
Simon Hope 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2008,21(3):367-382
I consider a small but growing corner of the global justice literature: conceptions of human rights advanced under republican lights. I outline three recent republican justificatory arguments for principles of global justice embodied in human rights: Stuart White's appeal to the republican emphasis on civic virtue, and the appeals to a republican conception of liberty advanced by Philip Pettit and James Bohman. I argue that in all three accounts, too little attention is paid to constraints on the reasons that can be offered to a diverse domain of agents. I sketch an outline of the criteria plausible justificatory reasons must contain. In the appeal to virtue, no such reasons are forthcoming. In the appeal to liberty, such reasons may be forthcoming if republicans give up the claim that human rights are justified by appeal to ‘liberty’ itself. I conclude that a suitably modified appeal to the republican conception of liberty may be plausible. 相似文献
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77.
Seymour Martin Lipset Robert M. Worcester Frederick C. Turner 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》1998,33(3):70-89
Over the past decade, the proliferation of election surveys has worked to undergird the electoral system in Mexico and to make electoral fraud more difficult. In the presidential elections of 1994, significant controversies arose as to survey methodologies, but by the congressional elections of 1997 the fierce debates over methodologies had subsided. Substantively, the surveys confirm the accuracy of the vote count in 1998, allow profiles of voters to be constructed for the three most important parties and mark declines in the support of the once dominant Partido Revolucionario Institucional. 相似文献
78.
A book may be good for nothing; or there may be onlyone thing in it worth knowing; are we to read it all through?(Samuel Johnson) This section is dedicated to the review of ideas, articles,books, films and other media. It will include replies (and rejoinders)to articles, the evaluation of new ideas or proposals, and reviewsof books and articles both directly and indirectly related tointellectual property law. Elizabeth Adeney begins this work with the observation thatmoral rights 相似文献
79.
In this research, Professor Jürgen Simon and Christian Ravenstein have highlighted the general existing prohibition, in the labour field, of the undertaking of genetic tests that could mean discrimination for the genetic heritage of the worker. They have made a comparative study of several member States of the EU that have specific regulation on this area. 相似文献
80.
Oliver Turner 《The Political quarterly》2019,90(4):727-734
Since 2016, the UK government has outlined plans for ‘Global Britain’ as a framework for post‐Brexit foreign policy. Some criticise the idea as a vision of ‘Empire 2.0’, but it is rarely made clear exactly what form it takes or what its wider political implications are. This article argues that Global Britain constitutes not just an idea or a slogan, but a foreign policy narrative and, more specifically, the narrative of empire. Indeed, to appear reasonable its grand ambitions require pre‐existing knowledges of past imperial ‘successes’ and accepting images of empire among the British public. Yet Global Britain lacks efficacy: as a domestic rather than an international narrative, by being inherently regressive in its worldview, and for contradicting the preferences of international partners on which the UK heavily relies. These narrative flaws, it is argued, make Global Britain an actively problematic, rather than merely ineffective, component of UK foreign policy. 相似文献