Sustaining economic development in South Korea: Lessons from Japan

Abstract

Since the early 1990s, culture has come to be recognized as a significant regional development resource in China. This paper raises the question of whether cultural strategies of development have ameliorated or exacerbated the government's increasing inability to provide for the public's basic needs. Specifically, it asks: what are the implications of China's cultural strategies of regional development for local-level governance? Three case study villages in Guizhou are examined, each revealing different ways that villages have engaged state development strategies, each with different outcomes. I argue that cultural strategies of development in China introduce a capital logic that greatly influences village governance. Cultural strategies create economic value where none before existed and thus initiate new struggles over ownership among villagers, state actors and entrepreneurs. The privatization of cultural resources has presented new challenges to village governance even while it has been promoted as both an answer to the fiscal challenges faced by many rural communities and a key to the establishment of a new kind of rural citizen.     

Tourism as a Catalytic Force for Low-Politics Activities between Politically Divided Countries: The Cases of South/North Korea and Taiwan/China

Tourism has played a significant role in influencing international relations, political policies and world peace. This study analyzes the relationship of politics and tourism between two pairs of politically divided nations: South/North Korea and Taiwan/China. It compares the impact of tourism on the cross-straits relations between Taiwan and China as well as inter-Korea relations. By applying the Tourism Evolution Model of Butler and Mao, this study finds that the Mt. Kumgang tourism development is a barometer not only measuring the willingness of the two Koreas to engage each other in low-politics activities but also the current status of South-North relations. This article analyzes tourism as a low-politics activity influencing initial reconciliation between governments, and discusses the Mt. Kumgang tourism development as a symbolic joint venture for inter-Korean economic relations. It also compares and contrasts tourism as low-politics activity between China and Taiwan.     

A Retrospective Population-Based Study of Hospitalized Injuries Associated with Intimate Partner Violence in Taiwan from 1997 Through 2009

The study used Taiwanese National Health Insurance Research Database to investigate the types of injuries suffered by those patients hospitalized for intimate partner violence and the types of hospital care provided to victims 18 years of age or older from 1997 to 2009. In total, there were 836 cases and 3.57 times more female than male, the average hospital stay length was 9.37 days, and the average hospital costs totaled approximately NT$ 47,563.53. On average, there were approximately 2.86 injuries per abuse victim, and intracranial injuries were the most common injury (28.83 %). Many of the abused patients went to regional hospitals (44.14 %), and the largest percentage of hospitalized patients (50.24 %) was among 25–44-year-olds. In the study period, the hospitalization rate for females was significantly higher than for males; moreover, the overall rate of hospitalization for intimate partner violence increased significantly.     

美国注册会计师行业监管制度变迁及其启示

向国际惯例靠拢是研究制定我国资本市场监管机制的一项重要指导思想,也是我国审计规范建设的一项十分重要的目标。本文回顾了20世纪70年代以来美国对会计职业管理体制的两次变革,分析了1984年的《美国统一会计师法案》与2002年《萨班尼斯—奥克斯利法案》的立法过程,以期为完善我国注册会计师行业的监管提供一些有益的启示。     

China's Evolving Views of the Korean–American Alliance, 1953–2012

This article reconstructs an ideational trajectory in which China's views of the Korean–American alliance evolved during the last 60 years. The article first surveys China's general policy toward alliance and alliance-making. The article then traces the evolutionary path of Chinese views in the following four periods: (1) the Cold War era (1950s–1960s); (2) transformative years (early 1970s–mid-1990s); (3) the period of a strained alliance (late 1990s–late 2000s); and (4) an era of great reversal (late 2000s–present). Principally, the article suggests that China's view of the Korean–American alliance was intense antagonism during the Cold War era, although it was significantly watered down during the transformative years of Sino–South Korean rapprochement. With the normalization of relations between Beijing and Seoul in 1992 and a decade of progressive rule (1998–2007) in South Korea, China's view encompassed some wishful thinking about a gradually diluted alliance. The strong comeback of the conservatives in South Korean politics since 2008, however, shattered such optimism and re-awoke Beijing to some cold realities. China's view of the Korea–American alliance may grow more negative in tandem with US–China relations, irrespective of the official rhetoric of sovereignty regarding alliance and alliance-making.     

Detection of ABH blood group antigens in the saliva of Koreans and their stability according to storage of saliva samples

The purpose of the present study was to identify salivary molecules carrying the ABH blood group antigens in Koreans and to investigate the changes in these antigens according to processing and storage of saliva samples. Secretor or non-secretor phenotypes and salivary components carrying the ABH antigens were identified in 90 subjects, 30 subjects in each ABO blood group, by SDS-PAGE and immunoblotting. Saliva samples were then obtained from 12 secretors-two males and two females in each ABO blood group and aliquots of both fresh saliva samples and their supernatants after centrifugation were stored at room temperature, 4, -20 and -70 degrees C. The same experiments were performed after 1, 3 and 6 months to investigate changes in the blood group antigens. In all 68 secretors, high-molecular-weight salivary mucin (MG1) was found to be the primary carrier of the ABH antigens. A salivary component of approximately 80 kDa also carried H antigen in seven saliva samples of 22 blood type O secretors. The blood group antigens were better detected in centrifuged samples. In saliva samples preserved at room temperature and 4 degrees C, the blood group antigens were either not detected or detected as degraded molecules. No change was found in the blood group antigens in saliva samples preserved at -20 and -70 degrees C for 6 months.     

A symptom level examination of the relationship between Cluster B personality disorders and patterns of criminality and violence in women

The psychometric properties and structure of the Cluster B Personality Disorder criteria (Antisocial, Borderline, Histrionic, and Narcissistic) are examined in a sample of 261 female inmates using a self-report screen followed by a full diagnostic interview. The results of the structural analyses in this sample demonstrated good internal consistency and convergence, but poor discriminant validity between disorders. An exploratory factor analysis found that the structure of these disorders was best accounted for by a four-factor solution that paralleled the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM-IV-TR; APA, 2000) classification scheme with some significant and notable exceptions. Using the factor scores generated from the factor analysis, the personality profiles of the women were compared with several behavioral indices, including instant offense, institutional infractions, and self-report violence and victimization within the prison. Of particular importance was the consistent relationship observed between narcissistic personality traits and threatening and violent behavior within the prison combined with the impulsive but less malignant presentation of antisocial personality traits among this sample of women. Results are discussed as they inform our understanding of the structural integrity of the four Cluster B diagnostic categories and the relationship of these personality disorders to different types of criminality and violence.     

National-Level Family Policies and workers’ Access to Schedule Control in a European Comparative Perspective: Crowding Out or In,and for Whom?

Abstract

This paper examines national-level family policies in a comparative perspective, to see whether they “crowd out” company-level family-friendly policies, namely schedule control. Further, it examines whether this relationship varies for different types of family policies, and for different groups of workers – i.e. distinguished by gender, parenthood status and skill divisions. The paper uses data from 27 European countries in 2010, and applies multilevel random slopes models with cross-level interaction terms. Results show that generous national-level family policies, in particular work-facilitating policies, “crowd in” company-level schedule control provisions, especially for high-skilled workers. However, very generous leave entitlements seem to crowd out schedule control provision.     

“Hybrid Governance” and the Politics of Legitimacy in the Myanmar Peace Process

This article examines competing claims to political legitimacy and sovereignty in Myanmar’s conflict-affected areas of “limited statehood.” In the context of ceasefires and an emerging peace process since 2012, non-state-controlled “liberated zones” and areas of mixed insurgent and government authority constitute new political spaces, where multiple state and para-state actors demonstrate governance authority, extract resources and provide services to local communities. This article explores the dynamics and implications of these developments with reference to the emerging literatures on “rebel rulers” and “hybrid governance,” and examines the practices of donors and aid agencies operating in these areas. I argue that external actors seeking to “think and work politically” should move beyond standard peace-building and development packages based on strengthening the state, and adopt more conflict and context-sensitive approaches. Effective state building should take account of governance structures and service delivery functions established by ethnic armed organisations, which although under-resourced enjoy significant political legitimacy.