Surviving Information Overload: How Elite Politicians Select Information

Information in politics is overabundant. Especially elite politicians are bombarded with information. Politicians must be selective to stay on top of the information torrent. Aggregate‐level work within the bounded rationality framework showed that information selection is at the core of decision making. Yet, an answer to the question as to how individual elite politicians go about selecting information is lacking. We know that they unavoidably do, but how exactly they perform this selection task remains largely unknown. The article draws on interviews with 14 party leaders and ministers in Belgium about their information processing. We present a typology, and a funnel, of consecutive information selection mechanisms and attitudes. Politicians partially outsource their information selection to procedures and/or staffers, they personally apply rigorous rules of thumb about what to attend to and what not, and they compensate the pressure and constant risk of messing up with a large dose of self‐confidence.     

Friction and Party Manifesto Change in 25 Countries, 1945–98

Political processes are affected by "friction." Due to cognitive limitations and institutional delays, political agendas do not adapt smoothly to real-world impulses; political agendas either ignore them or overreact. The first question this article tackles is whether the same punctuated change process can be observed in party manifestos. Secondly, it examines whether there are differences across political systems and across party lines. Thirdly, the study tries to account for differences in the degree of "punctuatedness" of party manifestos. Drawing on the vast dataset of the Manifesto Research Group, the article shows that party manifestos are indeed characterized by friction and resistance to change; it also establishes that there are considerable differences in frictional patterns between parties and political systems; and it finds that electoral fragmentation, government participation, and electoral volatility are key to understanding these differences.     

适用恢复性司法而非施以痛苦

刑事司法最重要的功能可能是标识社会的谴责,表明所有人应当遵守的界限.传统的刑事司法将惩罚看作是实现多种可能目标先验性的干涉手段.恢复性制裁不会将犯罪的严重性与合乎比例的惩罚相联系,而是将损害的种类、严重性与最大程度的合理修复努力相联系.恢复性司法的经验价值和附加的社会伦理价值应当得到最大程度的执行,而不应局限或服从于先验的惩罚.先验地选择惩罚导致沟通匮乏,尤其对修复的有效性不利.在道德层面上,恢复性司法比报应性司法更能促进社会道德观念诸如尊重、团结和承担责任等美德的培养,因而更可能积极促进社会生活和关系的建设.     

Mentally ill offenders in prison: the Belgian case

According to the EUPRIS-study on mental health in prisons (2007), available data on mental disorders in prison are scarce. Therefore, this study aims at summarizing and discussing the available knowledge on incarcerated mentally ill offenders concerning: (1) the screening and assessment for detecting mental health; (2) the psychiatric expertise in order to evaluate the mental status; and (3) the development and provision of forensic psychiatric treatment and care. These findings will be applied to the current situation in Belgium, which is a particularly interesting case. Belgium is currently facing difficulties concerning a large population of interned mentally ill offenders residing in correctional establishments.Implications with regard to the penal code, general or mental health legislation, screening, assessment, and treatment could deliver interesting viewpoints on how this problem could be tackled more effectively. Therefore, the findings will be discussed with reference to the international scientific and policy debate, focusing on ethical implications.     

How preferences,information and institutions interactively drive agenda‐setting: Questions in the Belgian parliament, 1993–2000

In this article an integrated framework of agenda‐setting is proposed that incorporates the two main accounts of agenda‐setting: the information‐processing approach by Comparative Agenda Project scholars and the preference‐centred account advanced by Comparative Manifestoes Project scholars. The study claims that attention allocation is determined at the same time by preferences, information and institutions, and that attention allocation is affected by the interactions between these three factors. An empirical test is conducted that draws upon a dataset of parliamentary questions/interpellations in Belgium in the period 1993–2000. It is found that attention in parliament is indeed driven by preceding party manifestos (preferences), by available information (media coverage) and by institutional position (government or opposition party). The evidence establishes that agenda‐setting is also affected by the interactions between preferences, information and institutions. Actors, given their preferences, treat information in a biased fashion, and institutions moderate information's role.     

Policy convergence and divergence in Belgium: Education and health care

Due to the far-reaching devolution of policy competences, Belgium allows for a structured comparison of policy convergence or divergence between Flanders and Wallonia. Focusing on the link between the federal state and the development of policy-making in the regions, this article establishes far-reaching policy divergence between the Flemish and French Communities for education policy, and a beginning of divergence in health care. Radical changes in Flemish education policy have redefined the role of the state. In health care, divergence grows in terms of regulating access to the medical professions and defining the output of medical care. The explanation for this policy divergence lies in political factors more than in policy-related features. Political entrepreneurs play a determining role in seizing upon opportunities to trigger and support change.     

The Conceptualisation and Measurement of Issue Ownership

Issue ownership means that some parties are considered by the public at large as being more able to deal with, or more attentive to, certain issues. The theory has been used to explain both party behaviour – parties are expected to focus on owned issues – and voter behaviour – when a voter considers a party to own an issue, this affects the odds of voting for that party. The purpose of this article is, first, to provide a look backward at the existing research through a literature review of the studies that were conducted in the past decade-and-a-half. Secondly, it takes stock of the current conceptualisation and argues that issue ownership is a multidimensional concept. Thereafter the article discusses how this multidimensionality affects both the role of issue ownership in voter and in party behaviour. Finally, the article outlines a number of shortcomings of the extant literature and discusses potential avenues for future research.