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351.
Bogaerts S Vanheule S Desmet M 《International journal of offender therapy and comparative criminology》2006,50(2):139-147
This study analyzed personality disorders in a group of 33 securely and 51 insecurely attached child molesters. A total of 51 child molesters were selected from a community based educational training program, and the other group was selected from a Belgian prison (n = 33). Research shows that adult attachment styles and personality disorders share a common underlying structure. It is remarkable that very little is known about differences between securely and insecurely attached child molesters. In this study, the authors found that the schizoid personality disorder differed between securely and insecurely attached child molesters. These findings have implications for the aetiology and treatment of child molesters. Future research is necessary to determine patterns of attachment in relationship to personality disorders. 相似文献
352.
The author distinguishes between normative and positive constitutional economics. Taking the observation that the normative branch of the new discipline is much better developed than its positive counterpart as a starting point, the available positive literature is surveyed nevertheless. The available evidence is arranged into four categories: (1) Constitutional rules and the procedures bringing them about, (2) constitutional rules as the result of preferences and restrictions, (3) constitutional rules channeling constitutional change, and (4) the economic effects of constitutional rules. Additionally, various concepts of the constitution are presented, the tools suited for a positive theory of constitutional economics discussed, and precursors as well as related research programs shortly described. 相似文献
353.
In a model with a continuum of voters with symmetric single-peaked preferences on the one-dimensional unit interval (representing the political spectrum) a voting rule assigns to each profile of votes a point in the interval. We characterize all voting rules that are strategy-proof, anonymous, Pareto optimal, and which satisfy a weak form of continuity. This result paves the way for studying cabinet formation rules. A cabinet is an interval which has obtained sufficiently many votes. The main result on cabinet formation is a characterization of all cabinet formation rules that are strategy-proof with respect to the endpoints of the cabinet, anonymous, Pareto optimal, and continuous. 相似文献
354.
In the forensic literature the opinion is often held that the presence of aqueous liquid in the paranasal sinuses in conjunction with other findings (plume of froth around the mouth and nostrils, emphysema aquosum, Paltauf's spots, increased haemolysis etc.) can be regarded as a sign of drowning. Especially the sphenoid sinus is easily accessible at autopsy; its content can be aspirated from the base of the skull with a cannula. The valency of the liquid content in the sphenoid sinuses was consecutively investigated in 60 deaths by drowning and 157 other deaths. The results showed that in 92% of the deaths by drowning between 1 ml and 4 ml of aqueous fluid could be found in the sphenoid sinuses. However, a positive result was also obtained in 52% of the other cases autopsied, but in the control group the average volume of the aspirate was smaller than in the group of deaths by drowning. 相似文献
355.
Transnational private governance initiatives that address problems of social and environmental concern now pervade many sectors. In tackling distinct substantive problems, these programs have, however, prioritized different problem‐oriented logics in their institutionalized rules and procedures. One is a “logic of control” that focuses on ameliorating environmental and social externalities by establishing strict and enforceable rules; another is a “logic of empowerment” that concentrates on remedying the exclusion of marginalized actors in the global economy. Examining certification programs in the areas of fair trade, organic agriculture, fisheries, and forest management, we assess the evolutionary effects of programs prioritizing one logic and then having to accommodate the other. The challenges programs face when balancing between the two logics, we argue, elucidate specific distributional consequences for wealth, power, and regulatory capabilities that private governance programs seek to overcome. 相似文献
356.
Stefan A. Kaiser 《Astropolitics》2013,11(3):313-323
China entered the field of space weapons with the successful anti-satellite test on 11 January 2007. National policies of spacefaring states commit to the principle of peaceful uses of outer space as enshrined in the Outer Space Treaty, but there is no detailed internationally binding regulation on anti-satellite weapons. Since 1981, the United Nations General Assembly passed annual resolutions on the Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space. These resolutions call for negotiations in the Conference of Disarmament for establishing an internationally binding instrument about space weapons. However, the Conference of Disarmament is deadlocked. China's weapons test has changed the power geometry. This paper examines the policy impact of the Chinese test, especially on the United States. 相似文献
357.
Steffen Ganghof Sebastian Eppner Christian Stecker Katja Heeß Stefan Schukraft 《German politics》2013,22(4):541-561
A widespread view in political science is that minority cabinets govern more flexibly and inclusively, more in line with a median-oriented and 'consensual' vision of democracy. Yet there is only little empirical evidence for it. We study legislative coalition-building in the German state of North-Rhine-Westphalia, which was ruled by a minority government between 2010 and 2012. We compare the inclusiveness of legislative coalitions under minority and majority cabinets, based on 1028 laws passed in the 1985–2017 period, and analyze in detail the flexibility of legislative coalition formation under the minority government. Both quantitative analyses are complemented with brief case studies of specific legislation. We find, first, that the minority cabinet did not rule more inclusively. Second, the minority cabinet’s legislative flexibility was fairly limited; to the extent that it existed, it follows a pattern that cannot be explained on the basis of the standard spatial model with policy-seeking parties. 相似文献
358.
359.
Stefan Wolff 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(10):1777-1802
A significant theoretical and empirical question underlying much of the literature on post-conflict state building is which institutions offer the best prospect for peace and democracy in divided societies recovering from conflict. This debate is highly relevant for many developing countries. With much invested by third parties in post-conflict reconstruction and a mixed track record of success at best, the question explored by this article is whether consociational institutional designs—widely applied in policy practice and severely criticised in academic discourse—can accomplish the twin goals of peace and democracy in divided post-conflict societies. Examining the claims of supporters and detractors of consociationalism, the article finds substantial conceptual and empirical evidence that consociational institutions hold significant promise for building democratic states after conflict in divided societies. 相似文献
360.
Stefan Lindemann 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(10):1843-1869
This article seeks to contribute to recent debates on the link between political settlements and state building. It proposes a theoretical framework that centres on the alternative concept of ‘elite bargain’ and suggests that inclusive elite bargains can be expected to facilitate both peace and economic development. Yet a detailed case study of elite bargains in Zambia shows that all good things do not always go together. While inclusive elite bargains have indeed helped to avoid civil war, they have often constrained economic development—a dilemma of unproductive peace. 相似文献