Reviews

Jeffrey D. Sachs & Katharina Pistor (eds), The Rule of Law and Economic Reform in Russia. Boulder: Westview Press, 1997, ix + 214 pp., £16.00.

Igor Chernyshev (with a contribution by Guy Standing) Statistics for Emerging Labour Markets in Transition Economies: A Technical Guide on Sources, Methods, Classifications and Policies. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1997, xv + 171 pp., £45.00.

Soren Rinder Bollerup & Christian Dons Christensen, Nationalism in Eastern Europe. Causes and Consequences of the National Revivals and Conflicts in the Late‐Twentieth‐Century Eastern Europe. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1997, xx + 308 pp., £45.00.

Jane I. Dawson, Eco‐Nationalism: Anti‐Nuclear Activism and National Identity in Russia, Lithuania and Ukraine. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1996, xii + 221 pp., $49.95 h/b, $16.95 p/b.

Mehdi Mozaffari (ed.), Security Politics in the Commonwealth of Independent States: The Southern Belt. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1997, xlv + 234 pp., £42.50.

Fred Wehling, Irresolute Princes: Kremlin Decisionmaking in Middle East Crises, 1967–1973. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1997, 225 pp., £40.00.

Roland Dannreuther, The Soviet Union and the PLO. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1998, ix + 222 pp., £45.00.

William T. Lee, The ABM Treaty Charade: A Study in Elite Illusion and Delusion. Washington, DC: Council for Social and Economic Studies, 1997, 165 pp.

Willie Thompson, The Communist Movement Since 1945. Oxford: Blackwell, 1998, 262 pp., £13.99.

Robert Service, A History of Twentieth‐Century Russia. London: Allen Lane, 1997, xxxiv + 654 pp., £.25.00.

R. W. Davies, Soviet History in the Yeltsin Era. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1997, viii + 264 pp., £15.99.

Paul R. Josephson, New Atlantis Revisited. Akademgorodok, the Siberian City of Science. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997, xxii + 351 pp., £27.50.

Andrei Sinyavsky, The Russian Intelligentsia. Translated by Lynn Visson. New York: Columbia University Press, 1997, x + 98 pp.

Vera Tolz, Russian Academicians and the Revolution: Combining Professionalism and Politics. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1997, xiv + 236 pp., £45.00.

Peter Waldron, Between Two Revolutions. Stolypin and the Politics of Renewal in Russia. London: UCL press, 1998, viii + 220 pp., £40.00.

Aleksandr B. Kamenskii, The Russian Empire in the Eighteenth Century. Searching for a Place in the World, trans. David Griffiths. New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1997, xii + 308 pp., $65.95 h/b, $24.95 p/b.

Mark Brzezinski, The Struggle for Constitutionalism in Poland. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1998, xi + 254 pp., £45.00.

Anita J. Pra?mowska, Britain and Poland, 1939–1943: The Betrayed Ally. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995, xi + 233 pp.

Mette Bryld & Erik Kulavig (eds), Soviet Civilization between Past and Present. Odense: Odense University Press, 1998, 193 pp., Kr. 225.00.

Graham Roberts, The Last Soviet Avant‐Garde: OBERIU—Fact, Fiction, Metafiction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997, xiii + 274 pp., £40.00.     

The transformation of hi no maru in postwar Okinawa: from symbol of hope to object of contempt

Starting in the early 1950s, the Japanese flag hi no maru was a cherished symbol in Okinawa of the movement for an end to the postwar U.S. military occupation and reversion to Japanese sovereignty. The flag represented an appeal for liberation from U.S. military rule that dragged on for twenty years (1945–1972) after mainland Japan regained its sovereignty in 1952; and, for elimination, or at least reduction, of the overwhelming size and number of American bases on the island. However, the 1969 Okinawa Reversion Agreement between the U.S. and Japanese governments broke both of the Japanese government’s promises that, after reversion, Okinawa would have no nuclear weapons, and that U.S. bases would be reduced to mainland levels. The grossly disproportionate U.S. military remains to this day, and a “secret agreement” permits the United States to bring back nuclear weapons. Today many in Okinawa associate hi no maru with this discriminatory policy which imposes 74 percent of the total U.S. military presence in Japan on this small island prefecture comprising 0.2 percent of the nation’s land area. For historians, the flag also represents atrocities committed by Imperial Japanese soldiers during the Pacific War and the Japanese government’s continuing reluctance to acknowledge them.     

A Need for Training: Preparing Juvenile and Family Court Judges on Military‐Related Issues

This brief report presents a study undertaken to better understand the training needs of judicial officers related to military issues. A snowball sample of judicial officers and court‐affiliated stakeholders were asked to identify the most critical training topics regarding military issues in juvenile and family court, as well as rate the importance of 13 potential training topics. The highest rated training topics for judicial officers (N = 129) were the (1) Welfare of spouses and children, (2) Protocols to consider when selecting kinship care for children of deployed parents, (3) Mental and physical health consequences of military service and deployment, (4) Reporting standards regarding Intimate Partner Violence or Family Violence, as well as implications for civil case investigation, and (5) Education support for children of deployed parents. Findings suggest a desire in the field for specific training on a multitude of issues related to serving/veteran men and women, spouses, and dependents. Recommendations for such trainings are discussed.     

A Conservative Revolution: The Electoral Response to Economic Crisis in Ireland

Abstract

The 2011 election in Ireland was one of the most dramatic elections in European post-war history in terms of net electoral volatility. In some respects the election overturned the traditional party system. Yet it was a conservative revolution, one in which the main players remained the same, and the switch in the major government party was merely one in which one centre-right party replaced another. Comparing voting behaviour over the last three elections we show that the 2011 election looks much like that of 2002 and 2007. The crisis did not result in the redefinition of the electoral landscape. While we find clear evidence of economic voting at the 2011 election, issue voting remained weak. We believe that this is due to the fact that parties have not offered clear policy alternatives to the electorate in the recent past and did not do so in 2011.