全文获取类型
收费全文 | 3036篇 |
免费 | 103篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 191篇 |
工人农民 | 117篇 |
世界政治 | 243篇 |
外交国际关系 | 215篇 |
法律 | 1314篇 |
中国政治 | 44篇 |
政治理论 | 964篇 |
综合类 | 51篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 22篇 |
2022年 | 13篇 |
2021年 | 28篇 |
2020年 | 41篇 |
2019年 | 80篇 |
2018年 | 96篇 |
2017年 | 102篇 |
2016年 | 99篇 |
2015年 | 83篇 |
2014年 | 116篇 |
2013年 | 424篇 |
2012年 | 105篇 |
2011年 | 88篇 |
2010年 | 88篇 |
2009年 | 92篇 |
2008年 | 92篇 |
2007年 | 114篇 |
2006年 | 105篇 |
2005年 | 84篇 |
2004年 | 90篇 |
2003年 | 91篇 |
2002年 | 88篇 |
2001年 | 58篇 |
2000年 | 55篇 |
1999年 | 52篇 |
1998年 | 40篇 |
1997年 | 42篇 |
1996年 | 42篇 |
1995年 | 45篇 |
1994年 | 46篇 |
1993年 | 45篇 |
1992年 | 41篇 |
1991年 | 34篇 |
1990年 | 22篇 |
1989年 | 40篇 |
1988年 | 28篇 |
1987年 | 32篇 |
1986年 | 32篇 |
1985年 | 42篇 |
1984年 | 37篇 |
1983年 | 34篇 |
1982年 | 33篇 |
1981年 | 31篇 |
1980年 | 24篇 |
1979年 | 16篇 |
1978年 | 16篇 |
1977年 | 14篇 |
1975年 | 16篇 |
1974年 | 12篇 |
1973年 | 17篇 |
排序方式: 共有3139条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
941.
The process of coalition formation following the 2017 Bundestag election was the most difficult in German post-war history. For the first time, Germany saw negotiations fail, a minority government being discussed as a real possibility, and the federal president involved as formateur in coalition politics. The aim of this contribution is to explain why government formation was so intricate after the 2017 election. To this end, we trace patterns of party politics and the development of the German party system since 2013. We then study general patterns of government formation at the regional and national levels since the 1990s and evaluate whether these have changed with the advent of the right-wing populist party, Alternative for Germany. Our analysis of the 2017–2018 government formation is based on a novel expert survey of the policy profiles of German parties on various issue dimensions, conducted in 2017. The results show that the continuation of the incumbent coalition government of Christian and Social Democrats was the most likely outcome, and that the Social Democrats were indeed able to enforce a surpassing share of their policy positions in the final negotiation rounds. 相似文献
942.
Although political violence has proven to be difficult for governments to manage, predict or control, previous research on the impact of relevant federal government actions and US presidential rhetoric on terrorist attacks and hate crimes demonstrates that what the US government does matters in ways that are both expected and unexpected. In the US, government counterterrorism strategies changed rapidly in response to the September 11th, 2001 attacks on the US. The Bush administration formed a new executive department, centralised intelligence agencies, invested in tangible counterterrorism measures, implemented two invasions and occupations, and spoke publicly about terrorism on a near-daily basis. Yet much has changed since that research, as the US has since elected a president whose presidential campaign relied upon espousing antagonism towards Muslims, immigrants and other minority groups. Further, President Trump’s administration has repeatedly demonstrated its commitment to isolate and suppress Muslims as a strategy to combat Islamist extremism in contrast to previous administrations’ more cooperative approaches. This article considers what existing research tells us about whether and how the different actions of the Trump administration may fuel both Jihadi and far-right extremism. 相似文献
943.
A sensitive immunoblotting method for the routine detection of group-specific component (GC) from fresh serum, and from control and casework bloodstains has been developed. GC phenotypes were separated in a thin layer polyacrylamide gel by isoelectric focusing, transferred to nitrocellulose by a rapid capillary blotting procedure, and detected using a double antibody enzyme immunoassay. This method is capable of phenotyping 8 ng of GC extracted from bloodstains, a four-fold increase in sensitivity when compared to immunofixation and silverstaining. A total of 2424 casework bloodstains have been analysed and GC phenotypes identified in 78% of samples. The method is suitable for use in routine laboratories and is more sensitive than other methods for GC phenotyping of casework bloodstains. 相似文献
944.
One of the most striking developments in the global economy in the past decades is the rapid proliferation of preferential trade agreements (PTAs), with many of them concluded among or with participation of developing countries. On the presumption that current popular debates on trade policy are not so much about whether citizens want free trade but rather what kinds of trade liberalization they want, we examine individual trade policy preferences with regard to PTAs that can vary in content along several dimensions. To that end we carried out conjoint choice experiments embedded in representative surveys in three developing countries that differ strongly in income levels, political system, and trade liberalization history: Costa Rica, Nicaragua, and Vietnam. We conceptualize trade policy preferences as preferences over the scale and scope of trade liberalization, environmental and labor standards, and labor market access (migration). Two main findings emerge. First, non-economic considerations, such as sympathy/antipathy toward particular countries and environmental and labor rights concerns influence citizens’ preferences at least as much as factors based on standard economic logic. Second, preferences over particular facets (attributes) of trade liberalization, that is PTA content, are surprisingly consistent across countries, despite strong differences in macro-economic and political context. 相似文献
945.
AbstractKitada Akihiro provides a historical overview of film presentation as a transient business, its migration into dedicated cinemas, and the concomitant rise and fall of benshi film explainer culture, as silent film incorporating a narrative developed out of simplistic ‘moving pictures,’ only to be gradually replaced by ‘talkies.’ He does so by following the career of Tokugawa Musei, one of the most prominent benshi of the 1920s and 1930s, from beginning to end; in describing the changes in audience composition and expectations, he outlines the transition from the showman-like VOICE「声」 to the more ‘talkie’-like voice «声». 相似文献
946.
Molly Copeland Jacob C. Fisher James Moody Mark E. Feinberg 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2018,47(8):1755-1770
Social isolation is broadly associated with poor mental health and risky behaviors in adolescence, a time when peers are critical for healthy development. However, expectations for isolates’ substance use remain unclear. Isolation in adolescence may signal deviant attitudes or spur self-medication, resulting in higher substance use. Conversely, isolates may lack access to substances, leading to lower use. Although treated as a homogeneous social condition for teens in much research, isolation represents a multifaceted experience with structurally distinct network components that present different risks for substance use. This study decomposes isolation into conceptually distinct dimensions that are then interacted to create a systematic typology of isolation subtypes representing different positions in the social space of the school. Each isolated position’s association with cigarette, alcohol, and marijuana use is tested among 9th grade students (n?=?10,310, 59% female, 83% white) using cross-sectional data from the PROSPER study. Different dimensions of isolation relate to substance use in distinct ways: unliked isolation is associated with lower alcohol use, whereas disengagement and outside orientation are linked to higher use of all three substances. Specifically, disengagement presents risks for cigarette and marijuana use among boys, and outside orientation is associated with cigarette use for girls. Overall, the adolescents disengaged from their school network who also identify close friends outside their grade are at greatest risk for substance use. This study indicates the importance of considering the distinct social positions of isolation to understand risks for both substance use and social isolation in adolescence. 相似文献
947.
948.
THE INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL VALIDITY OF THE REGRESSION DISCONTINUITY DESIGN: A META‐ANALYSIS OF 15 WITHIN‐STUDY COMPARISONS
下载免费PDF全文
![点击此处可从《Journal of policy analysis and management》网站下载免费的PDF全文](/ch/ext_images/free.gif)
Duncan D. Chaplin Thomas D. Cook Jelena Zurovac Jared S. Coopersmith Mariel M. Finucane Lauren N. Vollmer Rebecca E. Morris 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2018,37(2):403-429
Theory predicts that regression discontinuity (RD) provides valid causal inference at the cutoff score that determines treatment assignment. One purpose of this paper is to test RD's internal validity across 15 studies. Each of them assesses the correspondence between causal estimates from an RD study and a randomized control trial (RCT) when the estimates are made at the same cutoff point where they should not differ asymptotically. However, statistical error, imperfect design implementation, and a plethora of different possible analysis options, mean that they might nonetheless differ. We test whether they do, assuming that the bias potential is greater with RDs than RCTs. A second purpose of this paper is to investigate the external validity of RD by exploring how the size of the bias estimates varies across the 15 studies, for they differ in their settings, interventions, analyses, and implementation details. Both Bayesian and frequentist meta‐analysis methods show that the RD bias is below 0.01 standard deviations on average, indicating RD's high internal validity. When the study‐specific estimates are shrunken to capitalize on the information the other studies provide, all the RD causal estimates fall within 0.07 standard deviations of their RCT counterparts, now indicating high external validity. With unshrunken estimates, the mean RD bias is still essentially zero, but the distribution of RD bias estimates is less tight, especially with smaller samples and when parametric RD analyses are used. 相似文献
949.
Thomas Lynch 《The Political quarterly》2017,88(4):612-621
Donald Trump's election as president certainly startled many, though not all political observers. In this article, I offer my own observation that Mr Trump's election represents a developmental progression of America's electoral system from a political process to an entertainment process. The effect of the office of the president now is to distract and entertain. I will aim to convince readers that his election as America's president is not an anomaly, but rather represents how the politics of image and representation now work as an everyday event and should be treated as part of a reality that we should now take for granted. 相似文献
950.