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201.
Emily L. Evans B.S. Alex John London Ph.D. 《The Journal of law, medicine & ethics》2006,34(2):441-450
Critics of clinical equipoise have long argued that it represents an overly permissive, and therefore morally unacceptable, mechanism for resolving the tensions inherent in clinical research. In particular, the equipoise requirement is often attacked on the grounds that it is not sufficiently responsive to the interests of individual patients. In this paper, we outline a view of equipoise that not only withstands a stronger version of this objection, which was recently articulated by Deborah Hellman, but also plays important roles in clarifying the discussion. 相似文献
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Matthew Evans 《Journal of Human Rights》2016,15(1):1-20
This article provides a critique of the scope of existing models of transitional justice, which focus on legal and quasi-legal remedies for a narrow set of civil and political rights violations. The article highlights the significance of structural violence in producing and reproducing violations of human rights, particularly of socioeconomic rights. There is a need to utilize a different toolkit and a different understanding of human rights from that typically employed in transitional justice in order to remedy structural violations of human rights. Focusing on a case study of land inequalities in postapartheid South Africa, the potential for transformative (rather than transitional) justice in postconflict and postauthoritarian contexts is discussed. The article outlines a definition of transformative justice, relevant actors, and relationships for such an agenda and discusses the kinds of strategies that promise a more transformative approach. 相似文献
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Firelogs consist of a cellulosic material, such as sawdust or wood particles, and a combustible binder (fuel). Historically, the fuel typically consisted of a petroleum‐based (paraffin) wax; however, some manufacturers now include vegetable oils in their firelog fuels. To determine fuel composition, fuels from various brands of firelogs were extracted and analyzed by high‐temperature gas chromatography–mass spectrometry (HTGC‐MS) and a GC‐MS with a polar column specific for the analysis of fatty acid methyl esters (FAMEs). Firelogs were also burned, allowed to grow mold, and analyzed by GC‐MS to determine the effects that burning and mold growth have on firelog fuel composition. Mold did not tend to preferentially degrade any of the fatty acids. Burning caused a decrease in the relative amount of all of the fatty acids present in the vegetable oil fuel, with a greater effect on unsaturated fatty acids than saturated ones. 相似文献
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Drawing on material from a study of civil society and state crime in six countries, this article reflects on two themes from Chambliss’s work: the debate between state-centred and more pluralistic views of law, and the “dialectical” approach to the analysis of state crime. It argues for a more pluralistic approach to law than Chambliss and Seidman adopted in Law Order and Power, along with a broader approach to the definition of state crime as a form of deviant behaviour. Case studies from the civil society research illustrate how the strategies adopted by organizations challenging state practices can be understood in terms of an interplay between different forms of law. With some qualifications, we support Chambliss’s dialectical approach, and attempt to clarify just what the term “dialectical” means. Finally we bring together the two strands of the argument to propose an approach to state crime founded on “dialectical legal pluralism”. 相似文献
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Tony Craig 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2014,26(2):307-319
During the Provisional IRA's (PIRA) 1975 ceasefire, two different sets of incident centres were established across Northern Ireland in order to monitor and avert escalation of violence between Republicans and Security Forces. While one group of offices was run by the Northern Ireland Office (NIO) and administered by clerks in the Northern Ireland Civil Service, very quickly Sinn Féin (taking advantage of their decriminalisation in 1974) established their own incident centres to coordinate their communication with the government. This article argues that the establishment of the Sinn Féin incident centres set a precedent for the future political activity of the Provisional Republican Movement; that their activity during the 1975 ceasefire played an important formative role in the evolution of the group's political strategy; and that this experience, acquired from the work done during the 1975 truce, was of far greater influence than is appreciated in current accounts. 相似文献
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