全文获取类型
收费全文 | 2096篇 |
免费 | 48篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 261篇 |
工人农民 | 34篇 |
世界政治 | 98篇 |
外交国际关系 | 112篇 |
法律 | 1268篇 |
中国共产党 | 9篇 |
中国政治 | 11篇 |
政治理论 | 334篇 |
综合类 | 17篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 9篇 |
2022年 | 11篇 |
2021年 | 22篇 |
2020年 | 43篇 |
2019年 | 45篇 |
2018年 | 116篇 |
2017年 | 93篇 |
2016年 | 114篇 |
2015年 | 95篇 |
2014年 | 58篇 |
2013年 | 192篇 |
2012年 | 76篇 |
2011年 | 73篇 |
2010年 | 68篇 |
2009年 | 84篇 |
2008年 | 111篇 |
2007年 | 140篇 |
2006年 | 149篇 |
2005年 | 82篇 |
2004年 | 78篇 |
2003年 | 68篇 |
2002年 | 74篇 |
2001年 | 51篇 |
2000年 | 58篇 |
1999年 | 27篇 |
1998年 | 15篇 |
1997年 | 13篇 |
1996年 | 14篇 |
1995年 | 6篇 |
1994年 | 10篇 |
1992年 | 9篇 |
1991年 | 10篇 |
1990年 | 11篇 |
1989年 | 12篇 |
1988年 | 10篇 |
1987年 | 10篇 |
1986年 | 9篇 |
1985年 | 13篇 |
1984年 | 6篇 |
1983年 | 9篇 |
1982年 | 4篇 |
1981年 | 13篇 |
1980年 | 2篇 |
1979年 | 8篇 |
1978年 | 5篇 |
1977年 | 2篇 |
1974年 | 2篇 |
1973年 | 3篇 |
1972年 | 2篇 |
1964年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有2144条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
291.
The aim of the present investigations was to find markers for differentiating between the consumption of illegal cannabis products and legal medication containing fully synthetic Δ9-tetrahydrocannabinol (Δ9-THC), e.g., Marinol capsules. Δ9-Tetrahydrocannabinolic acid A (Δ9-THCA-A) and Δ9-tetrahydrocannabivarinic acid A (Δ9-THCVA-A) were taken into consideration for analysis, because these substances are the precursors of Δ9-THC and Δ9-tetrahydrocannabivarin (Δ9-THCV) in plant material of Cannabis sativa and are not contained in medical THC formulations. Whereas Δ9-THCA-A is an already well investigated substance, there is little analytical data on Δ9-THCVA-A. The reason for the presented investigations was a case in which a man was tested positive for Δ9-THC during a routine traffic control claiming that the positive serum sample resulted from the intake of a THC medication (Marinol) and not from consuming illegal cannabis products. Sample preparation consisted of a protein precipitation with acetonitrile. Analysis was carried out on a Thermo Fisher LCQ Deca ion trap LC-MS-MS-system using electron spray ionization (ESI) in negative mode. MS(2)- and MS(3)-full scan spectra were recorded for Δ9-THCA-A and Δ9-THCVA-A starting from [M-H](-). Reference spectra were obtained by measuring a Δ9-THCA-A reference solution and an ethanolic cannabis extract for Δ9-THCVA-A as there is no reference material for this cannabinoid available on the market yet. Main transitions for Δ9-THCA-A were m/z 357→313 and 339 in the MS(2)-spectrum and m/z 313→245 and 191 in the MS(3)-spectrum. Fragmentation pattern of Δ9-THCVA-A was identical with a difference of 28 amu less for the precursor ion as well as the fragments due to a shorter alkyl side chain in the molecule (MS(2): m/z 329→285 and 311; MS(3): m/z 285→217 and 163). The two plant cannabinoids Δ9-THCA-A and Δ9-THCVA-A could be detected in the serum sample by LC-MS-MS which proved the intake of illegal cannabis products derived from plant material of C. sativa in the described case. 相似文献
292.
Recent policy initiatives by the European Commission envisage an increased criminalization of offences against the environment, bringing the deterrent power of criminal law to bear on environmental violators in order to increase environmental quality. This paper examines some of the implications of such initiatives from a law-and-economics perspective. We show that increased criminalization does not necessarily lead to higher environmental quality. Budget-constrained regulators mandated with minimizing environmental damages can lose their ability to incentivize violators to report their misconducts in the presence of criminal prosecution. Therefore, some of the damages that otherwise can be remediated go undetected. The mechanism results from the subtle interplay of the current regulatory structure and the incentives of the environmental criminal justice system. 相似文献
293.
Ina Fettig Ph.D. Simone Krüger Ph.D. Jan H. Deubel M.S. Martin Werrel M.S. Tina Raspe Christian Piechotta Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2014,59(3):743-749
The chemical analysis of fire debris represents a crucial part in fire investigations to determine the cause of a fire. A headspace solid‐phase microextraction (HS‐SPME) procedure for the detection of ignitable liquids in fire debris using a fiber coated with a mixture of three different sorbent materials (Divinylbenzene/Carboxen/Polydimethylsiloxane, DVB/CAR/PDMS) is described. Gasoline and diesel fuel were spiked upon a preburnt matrix (wood charcoal), extracted and concentrated with HS‐SPME and then analyzed with gas chromatography/mass spectrometry (GC/MS). The experimental conditions—extraction temperature, incubation and exposure time—were optimized. To assess the applicability of the method, fire debris samples were prepared in the smoke density chamber (SDC) and a controlled‐atmosphere cone calorimeter. The developed methods were successfully applied to burnt particleboard and carpet samples. The results demonstrate that the procedure that has been developed here is suitable for detecting these ignitable liquids in highly burnt debris. 相似文献
294.
Natur und Recht - In den Schutzgebieten des europäischen Netzes Natura 2000 (Vogelschutzgebiete und Flora-Fauna-Habitat-(FFH-)Gebiete) sind bestimmte natürliche Lebensräume sowie... 相似文献
295.
Natur und Recht - Planfeststellung und Plangenehmigung sind etablierte Instrumente der Vorhabenzulassung und für den Gewässerausbau bereits seit langem auch im Wasserhaushaltsrecht... 相似文献
296.
297.
Torben Lütjen 《Journal of Political Ideologies》2020,25(2):180-196
ABSTRACTBeginning with Karl Marx, theorists have seen individual autonomy and ideology as opposing elements. Ideology was considered the product of mental, cultural or social constraints. People did not choose their world view – they fell victim to it. With the increase of individual autonomy, however, ideology would wither away. In the late 20th century, the advocates of individualization theory have similarly predicted the vanishing of clear-cut ideological divisions in a world in which any form of collective identity was difficult to sustain. Political eclecticism and the mixing of different political world views would become the new norm. Politics was now ‘beyond left and right’, as Anthony Giddens once famously argued. In my article, I show that this understanding of the relationship between individualization and ideological polarization is flawed. By discussing the extreme ideological polarization in the U.S., I disprove the notion that our need for ideology vanishes the more our freedoms expand. On the contrary, precisely the increase in individual autonomy – in terms of mobility patterns, media use and lifestyle differentiation – has helped to turn the country into a series of closed echo chambers and to deepen the ideological fault lines of American society. 相似文献
298.
299.
Vera van Hüllen 《Democratization》2019,26(5):869-888
ABSTRACTIn order to better understand the dynamics of international cooperation on democracy promotion with authoritarian regimes, this article looks into the processes and results of negotiations on democracy (promotion) between the European Union (EU) and two of its North African neighbours (Morocco, Tunisia) in the decade leading up to the Arab uprisings. Asking if, how, and to what effect the EU and its Mediterranean partners have negotiated issues related to democracy promotion, it analyses official documents issued on the occasion of their respective association council meetings in 2000-2010. It shows that partners have indeed addressed these issues since the early 2000s, however, without engaging in substantive exchanges. Most of the time, conflicts have been neither directly addressed nor resolved. Where there are traces of actual negotiations leading to an agreement, these are clearly based on a logic of bargaining rather than arguing. These findings challenge the picture of harmony and cooperation between the EU and Morocco. Furthermore, they point to the low quality of these exchanges which reinforces the dilemma of international democracy promotion in cooperation with authoritarian regimes. 相似文献
300.
Gülhan Balsoy 《中东研究》2019,55(3):289-300
This article is on one of the longest-lived medical institutions of the Ottoman Empire, the Haseki Hospital. I will try to glimpse to the daily workings of the Haseki Hospital and the transformations it underwent in terms of the services it offered, its patients, its social functions, and its relevance for the urban lives of the destitute women of the empire for the period between the 1830s and 1893. During that period, the Haseki Women's Hospital was an institution hosting poor and destitute women as well as pregnant, ill, feeble-minded, convicted women, widows, prostitutes, and orphans. Although it has been called a hospital, it has been used as a women's hospital, lying-in clinic, madness asylum, widow's house, orphanage, and a women's prison. I submit that the Haseki Women's Hospital fulfilled a dual purpose by combining social relief services with medical care for female patients. Besides being a locus of medicine, the hospital was also a site where women in the margins were confined and isolated, but also received care otherwise denied to them. Along these lines, this article searches the vulnerability of the destitute women of nineteenth century Istanbul. 相似文献