Seal the Deal: Bargaining Positions,Institutional Design,and the Duration of Preferential Trade Negotiations

Multilateral negotiations at the World Trade Organization have stalled. This has contributed to a steep rise in preferential trade agreements (PTAs). At the same time, negotiations for PTAs have not always proven quick and painless: While some treaties are sealed within a few months or days only, other agreements are preceded by protracted bargaining processes in trade and trade-related issue areas. In this article, we provide a theoretical explanation for this empirical variation. More specifically, we argue that PTA negotiations take longer the greater the distance between the prospective partners’ initial bargaining positions. Moreover, we contend that negotiation processes become more protracted the higher the relative ambition of the prospective PTA. Due to the limited links to the domestic political arena in autocracies, we expect this latter effect to play out for groups of democratic bargaining partners only. We test these two hypotheses for 198 preferential trade negotiations using novel measures for bargaining templates and the ambition of PTA clauses. In our two-stage survival models, we find support for our argument. In line with qualitative evidence from recent preferential trade initiatives, our models indicate that services, investment and intellectual property rights are particularly sticky agenda items for democratic leaders at the international bargaining table.     

Kollektives Handeln im Internet. Eine akteurtheoretische Fundierung

Swarms, crowds, networks, e-movements, e-communities—the Web offers a new sphere of action for an ample variety of collective formations. However, a sociological substantiation of these different types of collective behavior or action is still missing. In order to bridge this gap, we discuss the questions, how online-based social formations can be classified in the context of actor-based social theory and to what extent their development is shaped by the technological infrastructures they are embedded in. First of all, we introduce two basic variants of social formations situated between individuals and organizations: non-organized collectives and collective behavior on the one hand and collective actors with a comparatively high strategic capability on the other. Subsequently, we explore the distinct features of online-based collective formations, which are characterized by a formerly unknown level of interdependence of influential technological infrastructures and still indispensable social dynamics of coordination and institutionalization. Conventional patterns of social dynamics in the development and stabilization of collective behavior and collective actors are now systematically intertwined with technology-induced processes of structuration.     

EU-Professionalismus als transnationales Feld

The article scrutinizes the emergence and expansion of EU-related professions and forms of occupation from a field-analytical perspective. Starting from the observation that the EU is not just an influential political actor, but also an expanding area of work, expert involvement and job specialization the paper discusses various forms, dimensions and loci of the ongoing “professionalization” of Europe. It is shown that the expansion of EU-related professional activities is not just a phenomenon of Brussels and the “Eurocracy”, but has expanded into the member states and various areas of occupational activity and expertise. The EU professionalization is conceptualized as a transnational field of specialization and professionalization which produces own principles, forms of knowledge and resources which are used and reproduced by experts and specialists. The field perspective allows identifying common principles, but also the variance and transnational dimension of EU affairs.     

The role of collective mobilization in the divergent performance of the rural economies of China and India (1950–2005)

ABSTRACT

This paper argues that the divergent performance of the rural economies of China and India after 1950 was a product of the different capabilities of the Chinese and Indian governments to mobilize the labor force and financial resources of the rural population. By mobilizing unpaid labor and the financial resources of the villagers through mediation by the collectives (before 1984) and local administrations (from 1984 to the abolition of agricultural taxation and compulsory rural labor mobilization in 2006), the Chinese state developed rural infrastructure and the quality of the labor force at a pace and geographical scope that was far beyond its limited fiscal capacity. Efforts by the Indian state to establish rural organizations with similar mobilization capabilities failed due to the effective opposition of well-entrenched political and economic interests in the countryside. Unable to mobilize the labor and financial resources of the villagers, the Indian government relied primarily on its limited fiscal resources, which produced a much slower development of physical infrastructure and labor force quality. These are the primary reasons why China’s rural economy developed much more rapidly than India’s, which contributed significantly to the divergence of their national economies in the post-1950 era.     

国际环境争端解决机制研究

解决和避免国际环境争端已成为近年来备受关注的论题。无论是在1992年联合国环境与发展大会期间还是新近多边环境协定的谈判和实施过程中,国际环境法的遵守问题都引起了各国政府和国际法学者的关注。多边环境条约、联合国海洋法公约以及WTO规则,是国际环境争端解决机制的主要法律渊源。在一定范围内,这些多边条约和条约体系相互影响、相互推动,又相互矛盾和冲突,呈现出国际环境争端解决机制的独特发展形态。