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871.
872.
In the period between 1983 and 1987 autopsies were carried out on 120 drug victims at the Institute for Forensic Medicine in Hamburg, and 93 cases were serologically tested for hepatitis B. It was found that 50 cases (54%) were positive for anti-HBc, 39 (42%) for anti-HBs, and 5 cases (5%) for HBsAg. The prevalence of hepatitis-B-virus markers was dependent upon the age of the victims. In 81% inflammatory alterations of the liver (including unspecific reactive hepatitis) were diagnosed histologically. The pathogenesis of these serological and pathomorphological findings is discussed. Drug addicts are a group at risk for hepatitis B, and it can spread on account of the epidemiological connection with other risk groups, e.g., prostitutes and homosexuals. Postmortem serological investigations for hepatitis markers proved to be a well-established and reproducible means of differentiating histopathological liver alterations. 相似文献
873.
A semi-skeletted water-lodged corpse was supposed to be an 82-year-old missed man. Fifteen years ago this person underwent an operation of a trimalleolar fracture of the left ankle joint. Conventional X-ray photograms of the left ankle joint of the water-lodged corpse showed no evidence of an operation. A T-1 weighted spin-echo sequence revealed the entire aspect of the osteosynthesis as documented in the previously performed post-operative X-ray photograms. 相似文献
874.
Horst Friedrich Wünsche 《European Journal of Law and Economics》1996,3(4):331-344
Franz Böhm is seen as a cofounder of the Freiburg School of economists and of neoliberalism. As a member of the German Bundestag his influence was strongest on the development of German competition policy. Böhm's writings are widely read and quoted. Even today they are regarded as the obligatory foundation on which economic and systems policy is built. Analysis of his opinions and comparison with other neoliberal views—for example, those of Walter Eucken and Ludwig Erhard—do, however, reveal major differences of opinion. A good number of Böhm's opinions are now practically taken for granted as being the basis of economic policy. Yet taken in the context of strict market economics, some are not in any way acceptable. 相似文献
875.
Henrik Schaumburg-müller 《Development in Practice》2005,15(3-4):349-361
Since Vietnam introduced its Doi Moi reform policy in 1986, the development of the private sector has been a main policy concern for the government and the ruling Communist Party. The main development challenge for Vietnam is how to sustain economic growth and reduce poverty as the labour force continues to expand. It is envisaged that the private sector will play a major role in that respect. This article looks into the issue of whether the private sector can live up to widespread expectations. High and stable economic growth indicates that reforms have been consistent but also that private-sector initiatives have moved ahead of formal institutional changes. Private-sector development is new in Vietnam and starts from a low level. The public and foreign investment sectors are major players compared to the domestic private sector, which comprises many small firms. Poverty reduction has been impressive but it is only now that private-sector development is becoming an important contributor. Stemming the growth in inequality remains a challenge where the private sector's contribution to increasing public revenue has yet to materialise. 相似文献
876.
877.
Hildegard Maria Nickel Michael Frey Hasko Hüning 《Berliner Journal für Soziologie》2003,13(4):531-543
Der Artikel greift aktuelle Debatten zum Wandel der (Erwerbs-)Arbeit auf. Aus einer gesellschafts- und geschlechterpolitischen Perspektive werden Problemakzentuierungen vorgenommen und Interpretationsangebote unterbreitet. Dies betrifft zunächst die Veränderungsprozesse auf der makrosozialen Ebene, die als ?Umbruch der gesellschaftlichen Betriebsweise“ gedeutet werden. Die Veränderungen auf der Unternehmensebene (?Vermarktlichung“) und auf der Ebene des Subjekts (?Subjektivierung“, ?Arbeitskraftunternehmer“) werden mit gleichstellungs- und geschlechterpolitischen Positionen konfrontiert und mit der Frage verknüpft, ob der arbeitspolitische Umbruch auf eine neue Qualität von Arbeit und Leben hinweist. 相似文献
878.
Helga Krüger 《Berliner Journal für Soziologie》2003,13(4):497-510
Die Übergangswege von der Schule in den Beruf in der Bundesrepublik sind als spezifischer nationaler Sonderweg in Europa nicht unumstritten. Sie verleihen der beruflichen Bildung Gestaltungsbedeutsamkeit für horizontale und vertikale Schließungen auf dem Arbeitsmarkt, sichern berufsspezifische Qualifikationsprofile und gelten als Baustein der Existenzsicherung und Sozialisation des Humankapitals von morgen. In diese Übergangswege sind zugleich Geschlechterverhältnisse eingelagert, die männliche und weibliche Lebensläufe sehr viel stärker rahmen, als dies im europäischen Ausland der Fall ist. Der Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit Herkunft, Folgen und Bedeutung dieser Rahmungen unter dem Gesichtspunkt von Geschlecht als gesellschaftlicher Strukturkategorie. Ziel ist es, sowohl den Zusammenhang zwischen historisch verfestigten Weichenstellungen und normativen Postulaten der Gleichstellung zwischen den Geschlechtern als auch zwischen männlich und weiblich konnotierten Berufen aufzuklären. Dazu werden berufs- und bildungssoziologische Betrachtungen der sozialstrukturellen Zementierung/Labilisierung von Berufen zwischen An-/Ungelerntentätigkeit und Profession ebenso betrachtet wie die Verbindungslinien zwischen Erstausbildung und späteren Entscheidungen in der Familien- und Erwerbsgestaltung zwischen den Geschlechtern. 相似文献
879.
Jürgen Maes 《Social Justice Research》1994,7(1):69-90
The attribution of responsibility to victims of bad fate (“blaming the victim”) is discussed under the perspective of Just
World Theory (Lerner, 1980) and the Defensive Attribution Hypothesis (Walster, 1966; Shaver, 1970). Whereas Just World Theory
suggests that the belief in a just world is the decisive motive of increased attributions of responsibility, the Defensive
Attribution Hypothesis assumes that these attributions are motivated by the need to believe in internal locus of control.
Research evidence shows both motives as conceptually linked and empirically correlated. The central question is whether belief
in a just world and belief in internal control are facets of the same latent variable or empirically distinguishable constructs,
and whether they contribute independently to attributions of responsibility and blame to victims of misfortune. Results of
a questionnaire study assessing opinions about cancer and cancer victims are reported. There is evidence from factor analyses
that the two motives are indeed distinguishable constructs. The correlation patterns and the results of multiple regression
analyses show that both motives are meaningfully related to attributions of responsibility. Moreover, it is suggested that
belief in a just world is not a homogeneous construct. Belief in immanent justice according to which present misfortune is
seen as a consequence of prior faults and sins is differentiated from belief in ultimate justice according to which one can
be sure that present misfortune will be compensated in the long run. Whereas belief in immanent justice is the most important
predictor for attributions of responsibility, the suggested emotional consequences of such attributions, like belief in invulnerability
or confidence in coping, can be predicted by belief in internal control and belief in ultimate justice. Finally, suggestions
are made to extend Just World Theory to clarify the function of justice motives in the person's search for meaning in his
or her life. 相似文献
880.
Brian Bercusson Simon Deakin Pertti Koistinen Yota Kravaritou Ulrich Muckeberger Alain Supiot & Bruno Veneziani 《European Law Journal》1997,3(2):189-205
The European Union is still far from having social legitimacy. The issue is indicative of a huge uncertainty about Social Europe. What is it? What are the principles of social justice behind it? In our view, a new social constitution of the European Union is needed. Political democratisation must be accompanied by the foundation of a social Europe. We argue that were the IGC to combine the Charter of The Fundamental Social Rights of Workers with the Maastricht Protocol on Social Policy, inserting both into the TEU, it would lay the legal foundations for a dynamic European social constitution; a Social Europe dedicated to the combating of social exclusion and the maintenance of solidarity. 相似文献