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831.
Karen M. Tani; 《Law & social inquiry》2024,43(4):1646-1657
This essay showcases the contribution of Risa Goluboff's Vagrant Nation (2016) to one field of scholarship that the book scarcely mentions: the historical literature on the American state. In Goluboff's account of the fall of the “vagrancy law regime” in the “long 1960s” I see vital questions about the nature of the modern American state and the endurance of older, seemingly antithetical modes of governance. Given the trends that state-focused scholars have illuminated—for example, toward centralization of power and the protection of individual rights—what allowed for vague, locally enforced vagrancy laws to survive so late into the twentieth century? What ultimately triggered their demise? In mining Vagrant Nation for answers, this essay also urges scholars to contemplate “constitutionalization” as a form of statecraft. In giving a constitutional law framing to the grievances of “vagrants,” federal courts reinforced key tenets of the modern American state, including the supremacy of national law over competing legal orders and the desirability of being a rights-bearing member of the nation-state. Simultaneously, these court decisions left open other, more “modern” possibilities for regulating the kinds of people (poor, nonwhite, unpopular) whom vagrancy laws once ensnared. 相似文献
832.
Charles Hunt;Stella M. Rouse; 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2024,49(2):411-424
Recent scholarship has shown that legislators with deeper local roots and other preexisting place-based attachments to their districts enjoy far-reaching electoral advantages over their more “carpetbagging” colleagues. In this article, we consider how local roots, and its intersection with legislative polarization, influences legislative behavior, using a dataset of nearly 5,000 state legislators and novel measures of their local roots. We hypothesize that state legislators with deep local roots in their districts should be less ideologically polarized than their less-rooted colleagues. This is precisely what we find. Using Shor-McCarty ideology measures, we show that the most locally rooted legislators are 16% less ideologically extreme than their unrooted counterparts. These effects are comparable to or exceed those of district partisanship, chamber seniority, or other legislator characteristics. Collectively, these findings show that legislators’ local roots not only affect their electoral fortunes, but also have major implications for legislative activity and party polarization. 相似文献
833.
Mirian S. de Souza M.Sc. Mateus Pepinelli Ph.D. Eduardo C. de Almeida M.Sc. Jose M. Ochoa‐Quintero Ph.D. Fabio O. Roque Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2016,61(1):93-98
Given the general expectation that forest loss can alter biodiversity patterns, we hypothesize that blow fly species abundances differ in a gradient of native vegetation cover. This study was conducted in 17 fragments across different landscapes in central Brazil. Different land cover type proportions were used to represent landscape structure. In total, 2334 specimens of nine species of Calliphoridae were collected. We used principal component analysis (PCA) to reduce dimensionality and multicollinearity of the landscape data. The first component explained 70%, and it represented a gradient of forest‐pasture land uses. Alien species showed a wide distribution in different fragments with no clear relationship between the abundance values and the scores of PCA axes, whereas native species occurred only in areas with a predominance of forest cover. Our study revealed that certain native species may be sensitive to forest loss at the landscape scale, and they represent a bioindicator in forensic entomology. 相似文献
834.
Nicholas R. Maiden Ph.D. Jehuda Hiss M.D. Hadas Gips M.D. Gil Hocherman M.Sc. Nadav Levin M.Sc. Olga Kosachevsky M.Sc. Asya Vinokurov M.Sc. Avraham Zelkowicz M.Pharm. Roger W. Byard M.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2016,61(1):87-92
De‐identified wound data from 197 homicidal gunshot postmortems were obtained between 2000 and 2008. Forensic ballistics data were only available for cases between 2004 and 2008. Males represent 91% of gunshot victims and were struck in the thorax/abdomen with an average of 2.3 bullets. The type of firearms involved were semi‐automatic pistols in the predominant caliber 9‐mm Luger and assault rifles in caliber 5.56 × 45 mm and caliber 7.62 × 39 mm Soviet, using full metal jacket bullets. The majority of shootings occurred at ranges of 1 m or greater. The most common bullet path was front to back in 66% of cases. Entry wounds occurred more often on the left side of the thorax, abdomen, and back. The most common critical organs/tissues to sustain bullet trauma in descending order were as follows: heart, lungs, liver, aorta, spleen, kidneys, and vena cava. Ribs were struck by most bullets that entered the thorax. 相似文献
835.
James T. Pokines Ph.D. Debra Prince Zinni Ph.D. Kate Crowley D.M.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2016,61(Z1):S71-S81
A sample of 49 cases of cemetery remains received at the Office of the Chief Medical Examiner, Massachusetts (OCME‐MA), in Boston was compared with published taphonomic profiles of cemetery remains. The present sample is composed of a cross section of typical cases in this region that ultimately are derived from modern to historical coffin burials and get turned over to or seized by law enforcement. The present sample was composed of a large portion of isolated remains, and most were completely skeletonized. The most prevalent taphonomic characteristics included uniform staining (77.6%), coffin wear (46.9%), and cortical Exfoliation (49.0%). Other taphonomic changes occurring due to later surface exposure of cemetery remains included subaerial weathering, animal gnawing, algae formation, and excavation marks. A case of one set of skeletal remains associated with coffin artifacts and cemetery offerings that was recovered from transported cemetery fill is also presented. 相似文献
836.
Seth R. Hogg Ph.D. Brian C. Hunter M.D. Ruth Waddell Smith Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2016,61(1):35-42
Concerns over the toxic by‐products produced by traditional ammunition have led to an increase in popularity of nontoxic ammunition. In this work, the chemical composition of six brands of nontoxic ammunition was investigated and compared to that of a road flare, which served as an environmental source with similar composition. Five rounds of each brand were fired while a further five were disassembled and the primer alone was fired. Particles collected from all samples, including the road flare, were analyzed by scanning electron microscopy with energy dispersive X‐ray analysis. Common elements among the different ammunition brands included aluminum, potassium, silicon, calcium, and strontium. Spectra were then subjected to principal components analysis in which association of the primer to the intact ammunition sample was generally possible, with distinction among brands and from the road flare sample. Further, PCA loadings plots indicated the elements responsible for the association and discrimination observed. 相似文献
837.
838.
Matthew D. M. Francis 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2016,28(5):912-927
The popular media and many in academia often overstate the role that religion, and its supposedly unique qualities, has played in recent acts of terror. In this article, I argue that the notion of religious violence is unhelpful and that there is a more useful concept that we can utilize to draw out the values and ideas that play a role in the move to violence in both religious and secular groups. From a series of case studies on religious and non-religious groups, I have drawn out an alternative framework for investigating and learning from the role that beliefs play in motivations and justifications for terrorism. This framework uses the concept of non-negotiable (or “sacred”) beliefs. It is as applicable to secular as it is to religious groups, and can show us much more about how such beliefs can contribute to violence. 相似文献
839.
Philipp M. Lutscher 《国际相互影响》2016,42(2):350-375
Authoritarian regimes frequently employ fragmentation to safeguard themselves against coups and reduce the power of the military apparatus. This article investigates the impact of structural coup-proofing in the setting of a nonviolent popular uprising that threatens the regime and its survival. It is argued that in such settings fragmentation can have unintentional consequences with respect to the question whether the army fulfills orders of repression or defects. If the security apparatus is highly divided, some armed organizations will seize the opportunity to defect and side with the protesters because the efficiency of counterbalancing decreases if more effective armed organizations are involved. This can be mainly explained through collective action problems that the security apparatus faces in such a setting. This article compiles data of nonviolent uprisings from 1975 to 2006 and data on armed forces structure for conducting a multivariate probit regression on the probability of defection. The findings indeed show a U-shaped relationship between armed forces fragmentation and the likelihood of defection during nonviolent mass uprisings. While security apparatuses with around two effective armed organizations display only a low probability of defection, minimally and highly fragmented forces indicate higher chances of defection from the ruling regime. 相似文献
840.
Jennifer M. Welsh 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2016,51(2):1-8
AbstractFar from having faded away, ten years after its formal adoption, the responsibility to protect (R2P), is arguably more relevant than ever. In the current overall context of protection crises, heightened in severity by the emergence of violent extremists, R2P has changed the way in which the international community characterises situations that involve protection failures, and has raised expectations about what should occur when atrocity crimes have been committed or are imminent. UN member states now agree that prevention is at the core of R2P, that international action should employ the full range of diplomatic, political and humanitarian measures, and that military force should only be considered as a measure of last resort. While there is continued contestation about particular aspects of R2P – as there is over much older normative advancements, such as human rights – R2P has helped to forge political consensus and build new institutional capacity to prevent and respond to atrocity crimes. 相似文献