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Lawyers for conservative and libertarian causes are active in organizing and mobilizing interest groups within the conservative coalition, and networks of relationships among those lawyers help to maintain and shape the coalition. Using data gathered in interviews with seventy-two such lawyers, this article analyzes characteristics of the lawyers and the structure of their networks. The findings suggest that the networks are divided into segments or blocks that are identified with particular constituencies, but that a distinct set of actors with extensive relationships serves to bridge the constituencies. Measures of centrality and brokerage confirm the structural importance of these actors in the network, and a search of references in news media confirms their prominence or prestige. This "core" set of actors occupies the "structural hole" in the network that separates the business constituency from religious conservatives. Libertarians, located near the core of the network, also occupy an intermediate position. Regression analysis of ties within the network suggests that the Federalist Society plays an important role in bringing the lawyers together. 相似文献
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Harold James Author Vitae 《Orbis》2007,51(3):397-412
The most ferocious debates are about whether the United States should be described as imperial, but in practice other countries also try to influence other countries’ domestic policies, to propagate their visions, to exert power and to stabilize areas beyond their borders that are perceived as a source of threats. While in the 1990s the winners of globalization were seen as small open states, since the turn of the millennium big powers appear to be gaining because of their ability to project political power: the United States, but also China, Russia, India, and Brazil. This makes for a greater instability and leads to the formulation of theories of realism or neo-realism. The essay concludes with an examination of alternatives to empire and the neo-imperial vision, in particular the importance of elaboration of common or shared values in helping to build a safer and more peaceful international order. 相似文献
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This paper addresses two neglected areas in the research on the relationship between family violence and violence outside the home: violence other than parent-child abuse and the effect of gender. Specifically, we consider both parental and sibling violence as independent variables, nonfamily violence as the dependent variable, and gender as the specification variable. The data were collected from a sample of 306 students in Introductory Sociology and Social Problems classes. The finding of particular importance is that the interaction between the gender of both the aggressor and the victim has a significant effect on the relationship between violence within the home and nonfamily violence. 相似文献
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The absence of a thoroughly developed, working class critique of criminological theory has resulted in bias in the creation
of knowledge regarding crime and deviance. Much as feminist writings illuminated the unique problems related to gender, and
works by those discussing racial and ethnic minorities highlighted the special concerns related to race and ethnicity, a working
class perspective can expose the particular issues having to do with class. A brief discussion will be presented dealing with
the portrayal of working class people in the media, and the complicity of academia in allowing working class stereotypes to
persist. A sketch of a working class perspective will then be developed, and it will be used to critique fourteen of the major
criminological theories today in terms of their relative sensitivities and considerations of the class factor in crime and
justice issues. The final section places each of the fourteen theories on a continuum from those that do not consider the
working class experience at all to those that give the working class experience full consideration.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献