International organized crime

He has served as a consultant to the president’s Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, the National Security Council, and related agencies of the U.S. government. He has written, coauthored, or edited over sixteen books on intelligence and national security.     

On the Design of Equalizing Grants

This article considers the design of grants to offset fiscaldisparities. We define a fiscal disparity as a condition inwhich towns must levy a different tax rate in order to providethe same level of public services. We consider ways of measuringdisparities, as well as ways of allocating grants to alleviatedisparities. In order to focus the presentation, we concentrateon lump-sum grants for unrestricted use from a state governmentto general purpose local governments within that state. We concludeby presenting an example of a grants formula for the state ofNew Jersey which meets our specifications.     

Chicago political economy: A public choice perspective

George J. Stigler (Ed.), Chicago studies in political economy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988. Pages xviii + 641.     

Norman Wells impact funding: boon or bust?

Abstract: The Norman Wells project involved a tenfold expansion of the Norman Wells oilfield and construction of a 324-mm (12-inch) pipeline extending 870 kilometres up the Mackenzie Valley to northern Alberta. Completed in May 1985 after years of controversy, Norman Wells expansion was the first of several large hydrocarbon production and transportation projects likely to be completed in the Mackenzie Valley by the end of the century. Because of a highly innovative approach to project management, Norman Wells has been heralded as a model for future northern development projects. Construction was delayed seventeen months from the time of project approval in part to permit effective planning and the use of “special measures” during the construction phase. A major component of these special measures was the unique Norman Wells impact funding program set up to help manage negative effects and enable native involvement in the project. This paper assesses the planning and administration of two socioeconomic components of the impact funding program, using seven criteria drawn from the literature on socioeconomic monitoring and management. The subject programs failed to satisfy all but one criterion. Indeed, the administrative mechanisms used proved to be an serious impediment to effective socioeconomic impact management. This failure was rooted both in the politics of the impact funding package itself and in the historical modus operandi of the federal government, particularly the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, in the north. Sommaire: Le project Norman Wells comprenait l'expansion en 10 volets du champ pétrolifère du même nom et la construction d'un oléoduc de 324 mm de diamètre, s'étendant sur 870 kilomètres le long de la vallée Mackenzie jusqu'au nord de 1'Alberta. Ce projet, qui a été terminé en mai 1985 après des années de polémique, était le premier de plusieurs grands projets dans le secteur de la production et de l'acheminement des hydrocarbures à avoir toutes les chances d'être fini dans la valée du Mackenzie avant la fin du siècle. En raison de la façon tout à fait nouvelle dont a été abordée sa gestion, on a dit du projet Norman Wells qu'il servirait à l'avenir de modèle aux projets de développement dans le Nord. La construction n'a débuté que 17 mois après que le projet a été approuvé en partie . pour permettre une planification efficace de façon que des mesures spéciales. soient appliquées pendant la construction. (mainc 1981:4). Un des éléments importants des mesures spéciales était le programme de financement à fort impact Norman Wells, tout à fait unique, mis sur pied dans le but de gérer les effets négatifs et de permettre aux autochtones de participer au projet. Dans cet article, on évalue la planification et l'administration de deux éléments socio-économiques du programme de financement à fort impact en s'appuyant sur sept normes tirées des documents scientifiques portant sur la surveillance et la gestion dans le domaine socio-économique. Les programmes ont échoué dans tous les domaines, sauf un. En effet, les mécanismes administratifs auxquels on a eu recours ont été un sérieux handicap pour gérer le projet de façon efficace d'un point de vue socio-économique. Cet échec plonge ses racines à la fois dans la politique qui sous-tendait le programme de financement à fort impact et dans le modus operandi de toujours du gouvernement fédéral dans le Nord, en particulier celui du mainc.     

The nuclear family: Correspondence in cognitive and affective reactions to the threat of nuclear war among older adolescents and their parents

In order to assess the relationship between family members' cognitive and affective responses to nuclear war issues, 317 college students and their parents (n=559) independently completed a multifaceted questionnaire that included items concerning personal reactions, predictions, opinions, and attitudes about nuclear war. Results revealed a negligible relationship between the responses of college students and their parents, although the level of concordance between mothers and fathers was somewhat greater. Moreover, parents and students were relatively poor at predicting each others' nuclear threat attitudes, and the strength with which an attitude was endorsed did not enhance its predictability. Results are discussed with regard to heterogeneity in attitudinal and affective reactions within families, and with regard to the idea that infrequent communication concerning nuclear war issues may be occurring.Portions of this article were presented at the meeting of the American Psychological Association, Los Angeles, California, August 25, 1985.Interested in clinical and counseling psychology, the psychological effects of the threat of nuclear war, and parent training.Interested in counseling psychology, nuclear war issues, and the concept-specific measurement of emotionality.Interested in counseling psychology, nuclear war issues, and factors influencing custody decisions.     

The nuclear weapons issue in the 1983 British general election

Abstract. In common with many other Western European countries, the issue of nuclear weapons rose to political prominence in Britain in the course of the 1980s. However, whereas the issue was often taken up by newly formed environmentalist parties elsewhere, it differentiated the traditional parties one from the other in Britain. This was made possible by the Labour party's manifesto commitment to unilateral nuclear disarmament. This article details the views of the British electorate on the nuclear issue and assesses its importance for individual voting patterns in the 1983 general election. The electorate shows itself able to distinguish between, and hold opposing views on, nuclear weapons in principle and control over them in practice. Its general support for them, however, means that Labour's perceived hostility to them cost it a considerable number of votes in net terms. These losses could have been mitigated, perhaps even turned into gains, had the party emphasised the security problems stemming from Britain's lack of control over American nuclear weapons on its soil.