首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   7787篇
  免费   340篇
各国政治   531篇
工人农民   256篇
世界政治   803篇
外交国际关系   576篇
法律   3367篇
中国政治   66篇
政治理论   2448篇
综合类   80篇
  2023年   53篇
  2021年   46篇
  2020年   120篇
  2019年   148篇
  2018年   254篇
  2017年   262篇
  2016年   320篇
  2015年   191篇
  2014年   205篇
  2013年   1257篇
  2012年   215篇
  2011年   231篇
  2010年   202篇
  2009年   211篇
  2008年   266篇
  2007年   297篇
  2006年   281篇
  2005年   254篇
  2004年   271篇
  2003年   232篇
  2002年   228篇
  2001年   153篇
  2000年   137篇
  1999年   141篇
  1998年   137篇
  1997年   126篇
  1996年   100篇
  1995年   111篇
  1994年   112篇
  1993年   119篇
  1992年   97篇
  1991年   95篇
  1990年   100篇
  1989年   95篇
  1988年   101篇
  1987年   80篇
  1986年   87篇
  1985年   73篇
  1984年   80篇
  1983年   62篇
  1982年   64篇
  1981年   54篇
  1980年   40篇
  1979年   30篇
  1978年   48篇
  1977年   39篇
  1976年   35篇
  1975年   29篇
  1974年   57篇
  1973年   27篇
排序方式: 共有8127条查询结果,搜索用时 62 毫秒
81.
We discuss Professor Jeffrey Church's report to the EuropeanCommission in 2004 on the effects of vertical restraints andmergers. Although thorough and accurate, the report could bemisinterpreted by practitioners, as it does not emphasize thatmarket power is only a necessary condition for harm to competition,and that most vertical mergers that present the possibilityof competitive harm also present economic efficiencies thatare intrinsic to the integration.  相似文献   
82.
83.
84.
Further tests and thoughts on the OECD data lead me to conclude that, if anything, my 1986 paper underestimated the magnitude of the inverse relation between economic growth and government size. If one takes the nominal-based measure of government scale, as advised by Saunders, the significance levels, coefficient magnitudes and goodness of fits improve over what I found with my initial investigation. I would suggest that Saunders reconsider his reluctance to believe that the size of the public sector is unrelated to economic growth in OECD countries over this time period.One additional thought appears relevant to the current policy debate concerning budget deficits and economic performance within the major industrialized economies. The empirical work displayed here and in my 1986 paper suggests serious problems associated with the various proposals urging governments to raise taxes and/or ease fiscal policy. Elsewhere, I have suggested that available empirical evidence implies that plans to increase taxes as a way out of budget deficits are plans that carry the potential for raising government spending and possibly future deficits as well. Coupled with the evidence presented here, we should also recognize the potential of tax increases to raise the level of government participation in a country and, accordingly, exert inverse influences on its future economic performance as well. As suggested in my 1986 paper, the empirical evidence may suggest the following irony: While political participants may crave larger and larger non-market resource allocations, their future ability to satisfy that craving may very well be severely constrained by the satisfaction of that same appetite.  相似文献   
85.
Reviews     
Recently, various authors have examined the relationship between growth in government size and total economic growth. In each case, the authors permitted only a monotonic relationship. This paper examines the issue of a non-linear relationship between growth in government and overall growth in the economy.Government contributes to total economic output in various ways. The provision of Pigovian public goods enhances the productivity of the private sector inputs increasing total output. However, the public decision-making process can result in an inefficient quantity of public goods. The likelihood of this outcome increases with the size of government. Further negative effects are created by the revenue raising and spending mechanisms of government, and the increasing diversion of resources into unproductive rent-seeking activities. The magnitude of these effects is likely to increase with the relative size of government.  相似文献   
86.
87.
Conclusion The housing arbitration system used by Brigham Young University's Housing Arbitration Board (HAB) has been widely used at the school for many years. It has not worked perfectly. Some landlords are critical of the school's laxness in enforcing arbitral awards.In general, students prefer the process over small claims court (chiefly, it appears, because of cost factors). The school administrators prefer mediation over arbitration but recognize that mediation does not always resolve impasses. Legal questions exist about BYU's potential restraint of trade in using the obligatory contracts the school mandates for landlords. The process relies upon persons of goodwill to serve on the tribunals, but has a long enough track record to demonstrate the HAB concept works quite well. Because of annual turnover, the need for training of mediators/arbitrators is always critical. Other universities may well wish to emulate (or modify) the HAB model in resolving their landlord and student-tenant disputes. William M. Timmins is Professor of Personnel Administration and Labor-Management Relations at the Graduate School of Management, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah 84602. Among his recent publications isThe International Economic Policy Coordination Instrument: The OECD Experience (London: The University Press, 1985).  相似文献   
88.
Zuckert  Michael P. 《Publius》1992,22(1):123-142
The Federalist claims to present a republican response to thetypical political problems faced by republics. That solutionrequired a departure from all models of republics known at thattime, and in particular a break with Anti-Federalist modelsthat posited heavy reliance on responsibility, understood aseither political accountability or as moral and political virtue.The Federalist challenges the Anti-Federalist notion that a"no-gap polity" is the means to safe and effective republicanism.It also challenges those who believe that virtue of people orrulers is the precondition of a republican polity. Publius doesrequire quasi-virlues of certain sorts—and thus does notrely entirely on calculating selfinterest—but these aresignificantly different from the virtues posited by earlierrepublican theorists or certain contemporary interpreters ofThe Federalist.  相似文献   
89.
The United States today faces a loss of influence as a world power, a reduction in American independence as a policymaker, and a decline in the standard of living on which Americans have come to depend. History teaches that nations weaker and less productive than the United States can rise to become economic powerhouses and rapidly increase their standards of living. History also teaches that nations failing to recognize their fundamental problems will inevitably decline. American politicians must face what is abundantly clear: the United States is losing ground and must act quickly to reverse its course. This White Paper outlines what must be done. Information about the nation's current status must be analyzed and communicated. Incentives to improve the level of competence in government must be provided and maintained. The emphasis of government policy must be changed to reflect broad economic and technological interests as opposed to special interests. Savings must be encouraged and increased. Infrastructure must be improved Tax laws must be modified to help bring these changes about. Economic and technological issues must be elevated to the importance they require. American thinking must reflect the new realities: that the age of leadership through military power is over, that the requirements for success in the world of the 1990s and beyond require a sound and growing economy that is internationally competitive. The US can accomplish these goals only through foundation-shaking, comprehensive, fundamental changealong the lines we propose herein.This paper is the executive summary (with minor editing modifications) of a white paper that is available from Cornell University's Johnson Graduate School of Management.  相似文献   
90.
Reviews     
R. W. Davies, ed., From Tsarism to the New Economic Policy. Continuity and Change in the Economy of the USSR. London and Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1990, xx + 417 pp., £45.00.

Alastair McAuley, ed., Soviet Federalism, Nationalism and Economic Decentralisation. Leicester and London: Leicester University Press, 1991, ix + 214pp., £38.00.

Loren Graham, ed., Science and the Soviet Social Order. Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 1990, ix + 443 pp., £27.95.

Ronald I. McKinnon, The Order of Economic Liberalization: Financial Control in the Transition to a Market Economy. Baltimore, MD, and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991. xii + 200 pp., £20.00. $32.00.

Mary McAuley, Bread and Justice: State and Society in Petrograd 1917–1922. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991, xviii + 461 pp., £45.00.

David Armstrong & Erik Goldstein, eds, The End of the Cold War. London: Frank Cass & Co Ltd, 1990. 216pp., £19.50.

Paul B. Stephan III & Boris M. Klimenko, eds, International Law and International Security: Military and Political Dimensions. A US‐Soviet Dialogue. Armonk, NY, and London: M. E. Sharpe, Inc., 1991, xxii + 362 pp., $90.00.

Richard F. Staar, Foreign Policies of the Soviet Union. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press, 1991, xl + 352 pp., £14.95 p/b.

Robert O. Freedman, Moscow and the Middle East: Soviet Policy Since the Invasion of Afghanistan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991, xi + 426 pp., £35.00 h/b, £14.95 p/b.

Galia Golan, Soviet Policies in The Middle East: From World War II to Gorbachev. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990, ix + 319 pp., £27.50 h/b, £10.95 p/b.

Brian McNair, Glasnost, Perestroika and the Soviet Media. London and New York: Routledge, 1991, x + 231 pp., £35.00.

Shams Ud Din, ed, Perestroika and the Nationality Question in the USSR. New Delhi: Vikas, 1991, xv + 145 pp., £15.95.

Ronald J. Hill & Jan Zielonka, eds, Restructuring Eastern Europe: Towards a New European Order. Aldershot: Edward Elgar, 1990, ix + 226 pp., £28.50.

Aleksa Djilas, The Contested Country: Yugoslav Unity and Communist Revolution 1919–1953. London: Harvard University Press, 1991, v + 259 pp., £27.95 h/b.

Bartlomiej Kamiriski, The Collapse of State Socialism: the Case of Poland. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991, xiv + 264 pp., $39.50 h/b, $14.95 p/b.

David Ost, Solidarity and the Politics of Anti‐Politics. Opposition and Reform in Poland since 1968. Philadelphia, PA: Temple UP, 1990, xi + 279 pp. $34.95.

Roman Laba, The Roots of SolidarityA Political Sociology of Working Class Democratisation. Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 1991, xii + 247 pp., $24.95.

Keith Sword, ed, The Soviet Takeover of the Polish Eastern Provinces, 1939–41. London: Macmillan (in association with the School of Slavonic and East European Studies), 1991, xxiii + 318 pp., £45.00.

William B. Husband, Revolution in the Factory: The Birth of Soviet Textile Industry, 1917–20. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990, viii + 227 pp. £25.00.  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号