全球治理中的跨国反洗钱台作

全球治理是国际社会应对全球问题而变革传统治理模式的一种构想,它的兴起为全球反洗钱控制与治理提供了重要的理论指导。在跨国反洗钱控制的全球治理模式中,国家和政府间、国际组织间的制度性合作机制仍然占据主导地位,发挥着不可替代的规范性与约束性的治理作用。但值得注意的是,非国家行为主体在跨国反洗钱的全球治理中日益发挥着越来越重要的促进作用和参与作用,并能在一定程度上缓解传统治理模式的＂民主赤字＂问题。     

企业民主管理的实证基础——以员工参与与员工满意度相关关系为视角

企业民主管理的核心就是企业能够提供制度化的、常规化的渠道让员工在不同环节、不同层面进行不同程度的参与,通过这种参与,使劳资双方能够进行相互的利益表达、沟通和协调,从而提升员工满意度及企业内在组织团结,进而提升企业的管理绩效,推动企业组织的创新和发展.调查数据也确实表明,员工参与对员工满意度的解释力度非常大,这也为企业民主管理的合理性和正当性提供了实证基础.     

社会结构异质性与流动儿童社会网络的建构——以同伴关系为核心

本文以同伴关系为切入点,考察社会结构异质性因素对流动儿童社会网络建构的影响。研究发现,流动儿童在同伴关系建构过程中表现出较高的主动性,交往对象呈现外向发展特征;流动儿童的兄妹数、成绩好坏、自身生活方式以及对城市居民态度的认知对其发展同伴关系的主动性有影响;流动儿童生活体验和生活环境对其发展同伴关系对象选择有影响。本文以实证研究回应了几种相悖的研究结论:布劳的肯定性结论与国内多数学者的否定性结论,系出自不同语境,各有合理性,但某些结论也需要进一步讨论。     

尼克松最后一次中国之行

1993年4月8日至14日,美国前总统理查德·尼克松对中国进行了为期7天的访问,这是自1972年以来他的第7次中闺之旅。尼克松的此次中国之行,既是为恢复和改善美中关系而来,也是他旧地重游。     

与信仰同行——法国式自由考

法国大革命使自由在法国成为一种信仰。信仰式自由的发展动力来自于信仰和现实之间的张力：一方面要执着地捍卫信仰,同时还需要现实对其进行“拗救”。法国式自由的发展正是在信仰的主题下,从以上两个维度展开。前者以卢梭、涂尔干和萨特为代表,后者以孟德斯鸠、贡斯当和阿隆为代表。     

金融危机下中东欧转型模式再评估

新兴市场国家经济与政治体制转型是转型问题研究的焦点,而中东欧国家的转型模式也作为一个范例持续得到来自理论和实证研究上的关注.本研究以金融危机发生、演化为背景,旨在检测金融危机背景下中东欧国家的整体经济表现与金融市场表现,并通过分析对国际学术界公认的"转型优等生"中东欧国家的转型模式进行再评估和反思.     

Chinese American Adolescents’ Perceptions of the Language Brokering Experience as a Sense of Burden and Sense of Efficacy

Children of immigrants who do translations and who interpret for others using their heritage language and English are known as language brokers. Although prior research suggests that children of immigrants’ perceptions of the language brokering experience vary greatly—from feeling a sense of efficacy to feeling a sense of burden—what remains unanswered in the literature is identification of the antecedents and processes that help to explain the varying psychological experience of language brokers. Using data from a two-wave prospective longitudinal study of 256 Chinese American adolescents, the present study tested potential mechanisms that may be responsible for adolescents’ perceptions of the language brokering experience as a sense or burden or sense of efficacy. The results demonstrate that adolescents’ Chinese orientation sets in motion a family process that is linked to variations in the perceptions of adolescents’ language brokering experience. Adolescents who are more Chinese oriented have a stronger sense of familial obligation, and these adolescents are more likely to perceive that they matter to their parents. Adolescents’ perceived sense of mattering to parents, in turn, is associated positively with a sense efficacy, and negatively with a sense of burden as language brokers. Those adolescents who are less Chinese oriented have a weaker sense of familial obligation, and these adolescents are more likely to feel a sense of alienation from their parents. Adolescents’ sense of perceived alienation from parents, in turn, is associated with a sense of burden as language brokers. Implications for developing interventions for children who act as language brokers for their parents are discussed.

建筑行业农民工劳动关系确认的理论瓶颈与突破——以非标准劳动关系理论为出路

司法实践对于建筑行业农民工劳动关系确认的理论瓶颈在于我国当前的标准劳动关系模式与建筑行业农民工的用工实际不符。以非标准劳动关系理论为突破口多元化劳动关系认定模式是解决上述瓶颈的出路。在非标准劳动关系理论下,建筑行业农民工劳动关系确认的标准简化为业务从属标准,在具体判断上需要确立三项基本原则:中间自然人不阻碍劳动关系原则;劳动关系不突破民事合同关系原则;基于法律技术考量的连带责任原则;同时,建筑行业农民工劳动关系体系应着重确立三种特殊规则:口头劳动合同+不实否认劳动关系的双倍工资支付规则;灵活工时制+法定、行业工资基准规则;劳动者自由离职+用人单位结清待遇无因解除规则。     

Does China’s middle class prefer (liberal) democracy?

Many surveys show that China’s political regime, under the Chinese Communist Party’s authoritarian rules, enjoys a high level of public support. However, it is still uncertain whether China’s emerging middle class will become the “agent of democratization” as suggested by modernization theory. Using the data of Asian Barometer Survey conducted in China in 2011, this article demonstrates that the relationship between class identity and preference for liberal democracy in China may be inverted U-shaped. The Chinese middle class shows a higher preference to features of liberal democratic regimes than its counterparts of the lower- and upper-class. Members of the Chinese middle class also tend to regard democracy as the best form of government. Thus, the middle class has the potential to initiate democratization in China if the Chinese government fails to keep satisfying the middle class’ quest for economic well-being and protection of property rights.     

中国特色政党外交的新时期

以“和平与发展”时代主题理论为依据,顺应时代发展的新潮流,以胡锦涛同志为总书记的新一代中央领导集体,提出了科学发展观、和谐社会及和谐世界等新的战略思想和决策。进入新世纪,深入贯彻落实科学发展观和和谐世界的战略决策,中国特色政党外交进入了一个新时期。