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81.
Walter Euchner 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2004,45(1):116-124
Ohne Zusammenfassung
Der nachstehende Text ist eine überarbeitere Fassung der Laudatio für Malachi Haim Hacohen anl?sslich der überreichung des Victor-Adler-Staatspreises in Wien am 25. April 2003. Hacohen erhielt diesen Preis für sein Werk „Karl Popper — the Formative Years, 1902–1945. Politics and Philosophy in Interwar Vienna“,
Cambridge: University Press 2000. 相似文献
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The world seems to be characterized by political pluralization (the emergence of 'polities' other than the nation state) in addition to an already existing state of moral pluralism. This severely complicates political attempts at problem-solving on, for example, a global scale. One of the most stressing potential problems is the coexistence of mutually effacing or contradictory systems of political norms. To tackle such problems, we argue that policy teloi – shared conceptions giving direction to cooperative political ventures (particularly sustainable development ) – can be helpful. The conditions of success for policy teloi in the case of environmental sustainability are investigated. 相似文献
85.
James L. Gibson 《Political Behavior》2005,27(4):313-323
The purpose of this article is to reconsider the claim made recently by Mondak and Sanders that political tolerance ought
to be thought to be a dichotomous rather than continuous variable. Using data from both Russia and the United States, I demonstrate
that those Mondak and Sanders regard as uniquely tolerant are most likely no more than people who were given insufficient
opportunity to express their intolerance. Even if such a phenomenon of “absolute tolerance” exists (all ideas expressed in
all ways are to be tolerated), it is sufficiently rare that few practical implications are indicated for those doing empirical
work on political tolerance and intolerance.
* I appreciate the valuable comments of Jeffcry Mondak on an earlier version of this paper. 相似文献
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Steven V. Miller 《Political Behavior》2017,39(2):457-478
Why do some individuals prefer to be governed in an authoritarian political system? One intuitive answer is that citizens prefer authoritarian rule when the economy and society are in turmoil. These are common explanations for democratic backsliding, and the emergence and success of authoritarian leaders in the twentieth century. Which of these explanations better explains preferences for authoritarian rule? Both types of threat coincide in small samples and high-profile cases, creating inferential problems. I address this by using three waves of World Values Survey data to look at individual-level preferences for different forms of authoritarian government. Using multiple macroeconomic and societal indicators, I find that economic threats, especially increasing income inequality, better explain preferences for authoritarian government. I conclude with implications for understanding the emergence of support for authoritarianism in fledgling democracies. 相似文献
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Peter Boettke 《Public Choice》2017,171(1-2):17-22
In this tribute to Robert Tollison, I will outline his contributions to the development of public choice. I focus on Tollison’s work on rent-seeking, the political economy of reform, and the rules level of analysis in sports economics. Throughout his career, Tollison brilliantly figured out ways to take insights from price theory and public choice theory and operationalize them using multiple methods of empirical analysis, including historical interpretation and statistical testing. 相似文献
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Peter Lorenzi 《Society》2017,54(4):342-345
Two heated current political arguments focus on carbon taxes and tariffs. This essay will develop an argument for linking carbon emissions with tariffs, through a tax on goods entering a country based on the method of transport and distance traveled, rather than based on the country of origin or category of the product. The result would be to encourage more sustainable local production, to reduce currently externalized costs of carbon emissions, to generate new tax revenues to fund reductions in regressive social insurance taxes, and to provide benefits for those adversely affected by carbon emissions. 相似文献