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81.
82.
Mark Selden 《亚洲研究》2013,45(1):14-15
AbstractNo government can hope to satisfy the demands of rioting students. But a government can, if it is so minded, significantly affect the conditions in the countryside so as to reduce the propensity of peasants to revolt. While reforms may be the catalyst of revolution in the cities, they may be a substitute for revolution in the countryside. 相似文献
83.
Mark Selden 《亚洲研究》2013,45(1):50-63
AbstractThe Ryukyus, surrounded on three sides by major powers of East Asia, are the most strategic outpost of freedom in the Far East. Known as the “Keystone of the Pacific,” Okinawa, the most important island is 800 nautical miles southwest of Tokyo, 325 nautical miles northeast of Taipei, 750 nautical miles northeast of Manila and 700 nautical miles northeast of Hong Kong. 相似文献
84.
Zachary Selden 《安全研究》2013,22(2):330-364
During the 2001–2009 period when American foreign policy was internationally unpopular and perceived as unilateral, many states strengthened their security cooperation with the United States and facilitated the reach of the us military. This behavior spans a range of actions along a spectrum from reaffirming traditional alliances to far more subtle forms of alignment. This pattern is in large part driven by the actions of regional powers such as Russia and China whose rising power pushes neighboring states to seek the assurance of the United States, and it has distinct implications for the endurance of American hegemony. As those regional powers seek to expand their influence, secondary states may increase their contributions to the maintenance of American hegemony, thus helping to extend it well into the future. They are less prone to do so, however, if the United States follows a strategy of restraint that calls into question its willingness to defend its hegemony. Therefore, a policy focused on maintaining American military preeminence and the demonstrated willingness to use it may be what sustains the cooperation from second-tier states that helps to maintain American hegemony. 相似文献
85.
Mark Selden 《亚洲研究》2013,45(3)
AbstractThe century-long debate scrutinizing China's cultural heritage and the road to wealth and power (modernization) reached a crescendo in 1988 with the publication of a best-selling book, performances of a six-part series on national television, and soul-searching discussion culminating in the banning of He shang (River elegy, or Deathsong of the river). Cutting to the heart of the emotional issues pertaining to assessment of Chinese tradition and the West, the debate provides insight into the cultural and political conflicts of the era and the democratic movement of 1989 that it helped shape. 相似文献
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Zachary Hoskins 《Criminal Law and Philosophy》2011,5(1):53-71
This paper attempts to establish that, and explain why, the practice of punishing offenders is in principle morally permissible.
My account is a nonstandard version of the fair play view, according to which punishment’s permissibility derives from reciprocal
obligations shared by members of a political community, understood as a mutually beneficial, cooperative venture. Most fair
play views portray punishment as an appropriate means of removing the unfair advantage an offender gains relative to law-abiding
members of the community. Such views struggle, however, to provide a plausible account of this unfairly gained benefit. By
contrast, on my account punishment’s permissibility follows more straightforwardly from the fair play view of political obligation:
specifically, the rule instituting punishment is itself among those rules with which members of the political community are
obliged to comply. For criminal offenders, compliance requires submitting to the prospect of punishment. 相似文献
88.
Zachary Liscow 《Public Choice》2012,153(1-2):37-54
Why fight secession? This paper is a case study on this question, asking why the North chose to fight the South in the American Civil War. It tests a theoretical prediction that economic motivations were important, using county-level presidential election data. If economic interests like manufacturing wished to keep the Union together, they should have generated votes to do so. That prediction is borne out by the data, and explanations other than Northern economic concerns about Southern secession appear unable to explain the results, suggesting that economic motivations were important to support for fighting the South. 相似文献
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