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Eugenia Caracciolo di Torella 《European Law Journal》2014,20(1):88-106
This article focuses on the role that fathers play when it comes to family responsibility, in particular the care of young children, and how EU policy and legislation have contributed to it. This is important for several reasons. From a theoretical perspective, access to care for fathers represents the other side of the access to paid employment for mothers debate, and completes the deconstruction of the two‐sphere structure. From a more practical point of view, including fathers in the work/family life reconciliation debate is essential for the achievement of important EU policies, such as employment and gender equality. Although society is ready for a change, the legislator has been slow to address it, thus fathers are still missing from the EU's reconciliation policy and legislation. Against this background, the decision of the Court of Justice in Roca Álvarez has, potentially, laid down the basis for a new model of fatherhood. 相似文献
143.
The article focuses on the enactment of new civil law rulesas well as tax measures in Italy as a consequence of which theauthor expects that high net worth individuals will turn theirattention back to the setting up of foundations instead of trusts,in particular in cases where immovable property is concerned. 相似文献
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David De Young De La Marck 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(1):21-40
De Gaulle's relationship with his secret intelligence and subversive services, the Bureau central de renseignements et d'action (BCRA) headed by Colonel Passy, as well as with British intelligence is examined in the light of the now declassified archives of the Special Operations Executive (SOE) and the BCRA. These archives reveal that de Gaulle failed to interest himself seriously in secret intelligence or subversion before the arrival of Jean Moulin in London in October 1941. De Gaulle's subsequent relationship with the BCRA and British intelligence was defined by an obsessive need for political control, which only served to compromise the BCRA's otherwise successful collaboration with British intelligence. 相似文献
146.
Felice Carabellese Donatella La Tegola Gabriele Rocca Alessandro Catamo Domenico Martinelli 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2014,25(5):574-583
An ample volume of research evidence supports the conclusion that severe mental illness is correlated with violent behavior. While episodes of violent behavior are included in medical notes, not all episodes of violent behavior are officially reported to the police, even when they are actual crimes. We conducted a retrospective study on the already existing clinical files of four public psychiatric outpatient facilities, based in Southern Italy, in order to assess how many cases of violent behavior are actually reported and which variables are more frequently connected with the decision to report. The data shows that the episodes known to the health services, in number and seriousness, vastly outnumber the complaints actually made towards their patients. 相似文献
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A. Morales-Valverde S. Silva-De La Fuente G. Nuñez-Rivas M. Espinoza-Esquivel 《Forensic Science International: Genetics Supplement Series》2009,2(1):43-44
D18S51 alleles 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38 and 40 were detected and sequenced; these new alleles are mistyped with commercial STR kits, causing presumptive null alleles or false exclusions when paternity testing. 相似文献
150.
Ana L. De La O 《American journal of political science》2013,57(1):1-14
This article reexamines the argument that targeted programs increase pro‐incumbent voting by persuading beneficiaries to cast ballots against their first partisan choice. The evidence comes from the randomized component of Progresa, the pioneering Mexican conditional cash transfer (CCT) program. Experimental data show that early enrollment in the program led to substantive increases in voter turnout and in the incumbent’s vote share in the 2000 presidential election. The experiment also reveals that opposition parties’ vote shares were unaffected by the program. Thus, the electoral bonus generated by CCTs may be best explained by a mobilizing rather than persuasive mechanism. These findings are difficult to reconcile with the notion that the electoral effects of CCTs are a result of prospective concerns triggered by threats of program discontinuation or endogenous program enrollment. Instead, the evidence in this article suggests that CCTs’ mobilizing effects are compatible with programmatic politics. 相似文献