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1.
ABSTRACTCorporate social responsibility (CSR) is an important means to address conflicts, support local development and build trust between businesses and civil society. Yet CSR often fails to live up to its ambitions and can even exacerbate conflicts between companies and communities. In this article we consider how changing CSR strategies over the past four decades between Brazilian company Vale to Norwegian company Hydro have fomented or mitigated company–community conflicts in Northern Brazil. We find that paternalistic and philanthropic approaches of Vale over time led to deep resentment and mistrust due to underdevelopment and environmental damages. Moreover, while Hydro’s more modern CSR strategies sought to deepen community engagement and build legitimacy, the company has struggled in addressing the legacies inherited from Vale and past and current civil society grievances. The case suggests that even forward-thinking CSR approaches are vulnerable to failure where they prioritise business risk over community engagement, neglect to account for past legacies in areas of operation, and fail to create a shared vision of future development. It suggests that EI companies should both understand and engage with their social and environmental impacts in the past, present, and future and create shared economic benefits in the short and long term in order to address social conflicts. 相似文献
2.
We use regression analysis to estimate the effect that campaign money had on the votes of challengers and incumbents in the 1993 elections to the French legislative assembly. Incumbent candidates can at best expect to win 1.01% of the popular vote for each extra franc they spend per registered voter in their district. Challengers can expect to win at least twice as much as this. Simulations show that if campaign spending ceilings were halved, incumbents would have gained an extra ten percent of the popular vote over their closest challenging rivals. The regression analysis also suggests that voters react negatively to candidates who rely heavily on their own money for their outlays and reward candidates who rely on contributions from private individuals. These results suggest that campaign spending ceilings may inhibit political competition, and that voters may resist a candidate who relies on narrow sources of funding. 相似文献
3.
Democratization reduces the risk of war, but uneven transitions toward democracy can increase the probability of war. Using country-level data on democratization and international war from the period 1875–1996, we develop a general additive statistical model reassessing this claim in light of temporal and spatial dependence. We also develop a new geopolitical database of contiguities and demonstrate new statistical techniques for probing the extent of spatial clustering and its impact on the relationship between democratization and war. Our findings reaffirm that democratization generally does reduce the risk of war, but that large swings back and forth between democracy and autocracy can increase war proneness. We show that the historical context of peace diminishes the risk of war, while a regional context plagued by conflict greatly magnifies it. 相似文献
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We show that temporal, spatial, and dyadic dependencies amongobservations complicate the estimation of covariance structuresin panel databases. Ignoring these dependencies results in covarianceestimates that are often too small and inferences that may bemore confident about empirical patterns than is justified bythe data. In this article, we detail the development of a nonparametricapproach, window subseries empirical variance estimators (WSEV),that can more fully capture the impact of these dependencieson the covariance structure. We illustrate this approach ina simulation as well as with a statistical model of internationalconflict similar to many applications in the international relationsliterature. 相似文献
7.
Paul Dixon 《Political studies》2002,50(4):725-741
The 'real war' and 'propaganda war' fought over Northern Ireland for thirty years polarised party and public opinion. The key dilemma faced by politicians during the recent peace process has been how to wind down the 'war' and win sufficient party and public support for an accommodation between unionists and nationalists which falls so far short of previous expectations. Scripts telling contrasting stories have been prepared to convince rival republican and unionist audiences to support the peace process. In addition, the pro-Agreement parties have attempted to shift opinion towards accommodation through a range of political skills and choreography. Key competing parties and governments have sometimes co-operated back stage while front stage they have on occasion 'play acted' conflict between each other. The political skills, or lying and manipulation, by which the peace process has been driven forward have been uncovered creating public distrust in the political process. Realists see such political deception as an inevitable part of politics and permissible on the grounds that the ends justify the means. Absolutists attack the 'spin, lying and manipulation' of the peace process as an assault on democracy. A third democratic realist position argues that sometimes moral leadership requires doing wrong to do right but the gap between 'truth' and 'spin' should be narrowed. A more open and honest politics would not only be more accountable and democratic but also effective in advancing the peace process. 相似文献
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Validation of a 21-locus autosomal SNP multiplex for forensic identification purposes 总被引:8,自引:0,他引:8
Dixon LA Murray CM Archer EJ Dobbins AE Koumi P Gill P 《Forensic science international》2005,154(1):62-77
A single nucleotide polymorphism (SNP) multiplex has been developed to analyse highly degraded and low copy number (LCN) DNA template, i.e. <100 pg, for scenarios including mass disaster identification. The multiplex consists of 20 autosomal non-coding loci plus Amelogenin for sex determination, amplified in a single tube PCR reaction and visualised on the Applied Biosystems 3100 capillary electrophoresis (CE) system. Allele-specific primers tailed with shared universal tag sequences were designed to speed multiplex design and balance the amplification efficiencies of all loci through the use of a single reverse and two differentially labelled allele denoting forward universal primers. As the multiplex is intended for use with samples too degraded for conventional profiling, a computer program was specifically developed to aid interpretation. Critical factors taken into account by the software include empirically determined extremes of heterozygous imbalance (Hb) and the drop-out threshold (Ht) defined as the maximum peak height of a surviving heterozygous allele, where its partner may have dropped out. The discrimination power of the system is estimated at 1 in 4.5 million, using a White Caucasian population database. Comparisons using artificially degraded samples profiled with both the SNP multiplex and AMPFISTR SGM plus (Applied Biosystems) demonstrated a greater likelihood of obtaining a profile using SNPs for certain sample types. Saliva stains degraded for 147 days generated an 81% complete SNP profile whilst short tandem repeats (STRs) were only 18% complete; similarly blood degraded for 243 days produced full SNP profiles but only 9% with STRs. Reproducibility studies showed concordance between SNP profiles for different sample types, such as blood, saliva, semen and hairs, for the same individual, both within and between different DNA extracts. 相似文献
10.
Robert?D.?DavisEmail author Cary?D.?Rostow James?B.?Pinkston Dennis?R.?Combs Dennis?R.?Dixon 《Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology》2004,19(1):17-26
This study reports an analysis of Bartol's (1991) Immaturity Index and Hargrave and associates' (1988) Aggressiveness Index
as a measure of police conduct. The correlations between the supervisory ratings and the Immaturity and Aggressiveness indices
were examined for 1020 law enforcement officers. The results showed that Immaturity Index was related to termination for failure
to complete training and insubordination. The Aggressiveness Index was related to a termination for failure to complete training
and several other problematic police behaviors, but was not found to be specifically linked with acts of aggression. Implications
for using these two indices in law enforcement selection are discussed.
Authors' Note: Cary Rostow, Ph.D. is president of Matrix, Inc., Baton Rouge, Louisiana, and is in private practice in Baton Rouge. Robert
Davis, Ph.D., is executive vice-president and director of science, research, and development for Matrix, Inc., and has a private
practice in Baton Rouge. James B. Pinston, Ph.D., is a clinical neuropsychologist within the department of neurology at the
Louisiana State University Health Sciences Center and School of Medicine in Shreveport, Louisiana. Dennis R. Combs, Ph.D.,
is an assistant professor of psychology at the University of Tulsa. Dennis R. Dixon, M.A., is currently a doctoral student
at Louisiana State University. 相似文献