Stephen White, Alex Pravda & Zvi Gitelman, eds, Developments in Soviet Politics. London: Macmillan, 1990, xvii+310 pp., £35.00 h/b, £9.99, p/b.
Jiri Valenta & Frank Cibulka, eds, Gorbachev's New Thinking and Third World Conflicts. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1990, xxxiii+352 pp., $34.95, £25.95.
John Bushnell, Moscow Graffiti: Language and Subculture. Boston, MA: Unwin Hyman, 1990, xii+263 pp., £28.00 h/b, £9.95 p/b.
Susanne Oxenstierna, From Labour Shortage to Unemployment? The Soviet Labour Market in the 1980s. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International, 1990, 311 pp., SEK 206.00.
E. Biberaj, Albania, A Socialist Maverick. Boulder, San Francisco, and Oxford: Westview Press, 1990, viii+157 pp., £22.95.
Christopher Cerf & Marina Albee, eds, Small Fires: Letters from the Soviet People to Ogonyok Magazine 1987–1990, with an introduction by Vitaly Korotich, editor‐in‐chief of Ogonyok, and an afterword by Andrei Sakharov. New York: Summit Books, 1990, 303 pp., $22.95. 相似文献
Since it came back into power in May 2008, the Berlusconi government has undertaken a number of important initiatives in foreign policy, especially in relation to the European Union. Three cases concern the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty, the war in Georgia and the climate change/energy package. Rather than following a pro- or anti-Europe line, it is argued that the link between all these initiatives is the development of a pragmatic foreign policy, in which the ultimate aim is to promote Italy's economic interests. This means that in some cases the Berlusconi government is supportive of the European integration process, especially when no specific Italian interest is at stake, whereas it does not hesitate to undermine it should it clash with Italy's economic interests. 相似文献
The purpose of this article is to analyse how the Italian socialist movement viewed the social reforms of the Attlee Labour government introduced just after the Second World War. The intention is to study the extent and limits of the labour influence on Italian socialism. The Labour Party made the re-founding of a new interclass social pact, a universal matter intending to meet the needs of both the working and middle classes. The Italian socialist movement monitored the Labour government’s changes with interest, assessing them from two different perspectives. The reformist wing had a better grasp of the political–ideological implications of Labour’s approach to the welfare state. Vice versa, the majority of the Italian socialists pursued a class socialism and a strong alliance with the Communist Party, rejecting the Labour social policy model. After the split of 1947, however, the two views of Italian socialism failed to develop and implement a political programme for a welfare state based on the British universalistic tendency model. The political weaknesses of Italian socialist organizations in the field of social policy contributed to the characterization of the Italian welfare state in the post-war period and fundamentally delayed its universalistic implementation, at least until the 1960s. 相似文献
Stephen Ball's recent article offers an intriguing perspective on the education policy process by engaging with the political science literature on policy networks and governance. Ball opens up the possibility of a fruitful dialogue between political scientists and education researchers by introducing some challenging interpretations of recent developments in the governance of education. In this reply, I suggest that a sustained focus on understanding power in the governance process could help to build on Ball's work. I argue that understanding power is crucial to deciding which networks matter and to building explanations of the effects of networks on policy outcomes. Without a focus on power, I claim, policy studies risk conflating the existence of networks with the existence of network governance. 相似文献
Previous studies have indicated homophily in depressive symptoms among adolescent friends, resulting from both peer selection
and socialization processes. However, developmental differences and the role of school transitions in these processes have
not been elucidated. A sample of 367 (51% female) adolescents was followed from 6th to 11th grade to investigate prospective
relationships between adolescents’ and their friends’ depressive symptoms in middle school and in high school. Results revealed
that students selected friends with similar levels of depressive symptoms after each school transition. Additionally, friends
appeared to socialize adolescents to become more similar in depressive affect in late middle school years. These findings
suggest normative selection effects after school transitions, followed by socialization effects in middle school, but not
high school. 相似文献
We propose a model where a regional government’s choice of the number of bureaucratic agencies operating in a region depends upon the degree of substitutability and complementarity of the bureaucratic services being demanded. We show that, if the government perceives the citizens’ demand as a demand for substitutable services, it will choose provision by two independent agencies. If the government perceives the citizens’ demand as a demand for complementary services, it will choose provision by a single consolidated agency. Exogenous shocks to the number of citizens amplify these incentives. Evidence from the Italian National Health Service (NHS) supports this hypothesis. Results show a positive effect of proxies of substitutable services on the number of regional local health authorities and a negative effect of proxies of complementary services. The major immigration amnesties, taken as shocks to the number of citizens entitled to the service, magnify these effects. 相似文献
In the Riau Islands of Indonesia significant numbers of women have entered into marriages with men from the nearby countries of Singapore and Malaysia. In many cases, neither spouse migrates after marriage: instead, husband and wife continue to reside in their country of origin. Their close geographical proximity means that the couples can see each other regularly while at the same time taking advantage of the economic opportunities presented by living on different sides of the border. These cross-border marriages challenge the normative model of the nuclear cohabiting couple/family. Our research into the motivations and desires of these cross-border couples living in the Riau borderlands reveals that space and mobility mediate their interactions with the Singaporean, Malaysian and Indonesian states, thus producing localized accounts of citizenship in which class mobility (rather than physical mobility) becomes the dominant frame through which they view state regulation of marriage and migration. This research challenges the state-centric tendencies in some of the scholarly literature on international and transnational marriage which places overwhelming emphasis on the ability of states to regulate access to citizenship rights. In presenting a view of inconsistent and sometimes incoherent states, we highlight the significant differences between perceptions of state influence and actual state practices in relation to the regulation of international marriages. 相似文献