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ABSTRACTCorporate social responsibility (CSR) is an important means to address conflicts, support local development and build trust between businesses and civil society. Yet CSR often fails to live up to its ambitions and can even exacerbate conflicts between companies and communities. In this article we consider how changing CSR strategies over the past four decades between Brazilian company Vale to Norwegian company Hydro have fomented or mitigated company–community conflicts in Northern Brazil. We find that paternalistic and philanthropic approaches of Vale over time led to deep resentment and mistrust due to underdevelopment and environmental damages. Moreover, while Hydro’s more modern CSR strategies sought to deepen community engagement and build legitimacy, the company has struggled in addressing the legacies inherited from Vale and past and current civil society grievances. The case suggests that even forward-thinking CSR approaches are vulnerable to failure where they prioritise business risk over community engagement, neglect to account for past legacies in areas of operation, and fail to create a shared vision of future development. It suggests that EI companies should both understand and engage with their social and environmental impacts in the past, present, and future and create shared economic benefits in the short and long term in order to address social conflicts. 相似文献
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We use regression analysis to estimate the effect that campaign money had on the votes of challengers and incumbents in the 1993 elections to the French legislative assembly. Incumbent candidates can at best expect to win 1.01% of the popular vote for each extra franc they spend per registered voter in their district. Challengers can expect to win at least twice as much as this. Simulations show that if campaign spending ceilings were halved, incumbents would have gained an extra ten percent of the popular vote over their closest challenging rivals. The regression analysis also suggests that voters react negatively to candidates who rely heavily on their own money for their outlays and reward candidates who rely on contributions from private individuals. These results suggest that campaign spending ceilings may inhibit political competition, and that voters may resist a candidate who relies on narrow sources of funding. 相似文献
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Democratization reduces the risk of war, but uneven transitions toward democracy can increase the probability of war. Using country-level data on democratization and international war from the period 1875–1996, we develop a general additive statistical model reassessing this claim in light of temporal and spatial dependence. We also develop a new geopolitical database of contiguities and demonstrate new statistical techniques for probing the extent of spatial clustering and its impact on the relationship between democratization and war. Our findings reaffirm that democratization generally does reduce the risk of war, but that large swings back and forth between democracy and autocracy can increase war proneness. We show that the historical context of peace diminishes the risk of war, while a regional context plagued by conflict greatly magnifies it. 相似文献
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We show that temporal, spatial, and dyadic dependencies amongobservations complicate the estimation of covariance structuresin panel databases. Ignoring these dependencies results in covarianceestimates that are often too small and inferences that may bemore confident about empirical patterns than is justified bythe data. In this article, we detail the development of a nonparametricapproach, window subseries empirical variance estimators (WSEV),that can more fully capture the impact of these dependencieson the covariance structure. We illustrate this approach ina simulation as well as with a statistical model of internationalconflict similar to many applications in the international relationsliterature. 相似文献
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In this paper, we describe the development of a device for fuming fingerprints with cyanoacrylate (Super Glue) to enable police tactical units to obtain fingerprint evidence from suspicious packages using a remote-controlled robot. Through a series of initial experiments and preliminary designs, we show that effective cyanoacylate fuming requires sufficient heat, humidity, and airflow. This work led to the development of a final working prototype, called robot accessory for fuming fingerprint evidence (RAFFE), which is currently being field tested by the Calgary Police Service. 相似文献
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The purpose of this paper is to consider whether it is permissible for a liberal democratic state to deny anti-liberal-democratic
citizens and groups the right to run for parliament. My answer to this question is twofold. On the one hand, I will argue
that it is, in principle, permissible for liberal democratic states to deny anti-liberal-democratic citizens and groups the right to run for parliament. On the
other hand, I will argue that it is rarely wise (or prudent) for ripe democracies to exclude anti-liberal-democrats from parliamentary elections. There are at least two
reasons for this. The first is related to the inherent stability of just institutions. The second is that exclusion can lead
to group polarization and enclave deliberation that can engender political extremism and impair processes of interpersonal
and intrapersonal deliberation in liberal democracies. 相似文献
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Lotte M. Lang Pharm.D. Kristian Linnet M.D. Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2014,59(4):1036-1040
Poisoning can occur with chronic accumulation of a drug due to reduced metabolic capacity; conversely, under‐treatment may occur due to an increased metabolic rate. Over half of all drugs are metabolized by the cytochrome P450 3A complex (CYP3A). The activity of CYP3A can be assessed by the urinary ratio of 6β‐hydroxycortisol to cortisol. The aim of this study was to determine the usefulness of this ratio as a postmortem marker for determining whether altered CYP3A enzyme activity occurred prior to death. In a series of 244 postmortem cases, this ratio ranged from 0.014 to 78.6 (median 3.50). The median was significantly higher (5.14) in a subgroup of 28 cases that exhibited the presence of CYP3A‐inducing drugs. In cirrhosis, the median ratio was 1.69. This pointed to a reduced metabolic capacity of CYP3A. Thus, the ratio may constitute a rough indicator of the CYP3A metabolic capacity, which could be of value in special cases. 相似文献
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