Appendix A: The DPRK's Debts

The global value chain concept has become one of the most influential frameworks used in the study of globalization. The paradigm, however, is deficient in explicating the exploitative nature of global value chain governance. Based on a study of soccer ball production in China and Pakistan, this article analyzes global production from three perspectives: the role of the state in shaping the host countries' mode of production and legal framework, the issue of how surplus value is created and distributed, and the use of child labor or prison labor to remain competitive in the chain. The article shows, in the case of Pakistan, how a country using a lower-labor-costs strategy to retain a place in a global value chain allows its workers to be exploited and pauperizes its people.     

Delegation,Accountability and Legislator Moonlighting: Agency Problems in Germany

Members of parliament in many countries are legally permitted to execute (un)paid jobs in addition to their political mandate. It is often argued that such ‘moonlighting’ activities are unproblematic for the chain of democratic delegation and accountability as long as outside interests/earnings are disclosed to citizen-principals; the latter may then sanction (perceived) misconduct through the ballot box. Using principal–agent theory as an analytical framework and the German national parliament as a case study, this paper discusses why the accountability mechanisms of moonlighting disclosure and electoral control are often impaired in practice. We also illustrate that these concerns generalise beyond the German setting.     

‘No ‘til we know.’ Fela ba a tseba naa? Using African languages to communicate about HIV and AIDS to young South Africans

Abstract

An experiment was conducted in order to determine the extent to which the presentation of HIV and AIDS messages in different languages would affect the appreciation and comprehension of these messages among young South Africans. Interviews were carried out with 60 learners in rural and peri-rural schools in Limpopo Province. Four messages (on posters or in radio advertisements), were presented in three languages. The interviews focused on appreciation (to what extent do the participants like the messages?), perceived comprehension (to what extent do the participants think that they understand the message?), and actual comprehension (to what extent do the participants really understand the message?). The language of presentation did not prove to have any influence on appreciation, perceived comprehension or actual comprehension. A considerable gap was found between perceived comprehension and actual comprehension; participants overestimated their level of understanding. Significant correlations were found between perceived comprehension and appreciation, indicating that the better members of this target group think they understand HIV and AIDS messages, the more they like them.     

Contextualising development projects among the San of Botswana: challenges of community gardening

The San of Botswana are marginalised and live in poverty. Through semi-structured interviews and participant observation in two San communities, we analyse challenges facing community garden initiatives, and find that the failure of the gardens related to how the San are treated, as well as how they themselves have come to view their situation as destitute people. We conclude that forced resettlement, and historical livelihood disruption, as well as government and NGO policies of doing development through welfare (e.g. handouts), to the neglect of genuine empowerment of people, are responsible for the limited success of the community gardens.

Contextualiser les projets de développement parmi les Sans du Botswana : les difficultés rencontrées dans le cadre des potagers communautaires

Les Sans du Botswana sont marginalisés et vivent dans la pauvreté. À travers des entretiens semi-structurés et l'observation des participants dans deux communautés sans, nous analysons les difficultés auxquelles se heurtent les initiatives de potagers communautaires et constatons que l’échec des potagers est lié à la manière dont les Sans sont traités, ainsi qu'au fait qu'ils ont eux-mêmes fini par voir leur situation comme celle de miséreux. Nous concluons que la réinstallation forcée et la perturbation des moyens de subsistance historiques, ainsi que les politiques suivies par les pouvoirs publics et les ONG de développement à travers les aides sociales (p. ex. dons d'argent) au lieu de favoriser une véritable autonomisation des personnes, sont à l'origine du succès limité des potagers communautaires.

Contextualizando proyectos de desarrollo entre los san de Botsuana: retos de los jardines comunitarios

Los san de Botsuana han sido marginalizados y viven en situación de pobreza. Apoyándose en entrevistas semiestructuradas y en observaciones participantes en dos comunidades san, las autoras analizan los retos que presentan las iniciativas de jardines comunitarios. Concluyen que el fracaso de los jardines se relaciona con la forma en que son tratados los san y con cómo ellos mismos perciben su propia situación de gente pobre. Asimismo, concluyen que la reubicación forzada, la disrupción de los medios de vida tradicionales, así como las políticas gubernamentales y aquellas impulsadas por ong que promueven el desarrollo a través de programas de bienestar (es decir, dádivas) a costa del empoderamiento genuino de las personas, constituyen las razones por las cuales los jardines comunitarios tuvieron un éxito limitado.

Contextualizando projetos de desenvolvimento entre os San de Botsuana: desafios das hortas comunitárias

Os San de Botsuana são marginalizados e vivem na pobreza. Através de entrevistas semi-estruturadas e observação participativa em duas comunidades San, analisamos os desafios que as iniciativas de horta comunitária enfrentam e constatamos que o fracasso das hortas estão relacionados ao modo como os San são tratados, assim como a maneira como eles próprios vêem sua situação de carência. Concluímos que o reassentamento forçado e alterações históricas dos meios de subsistência, além de políticas do governo e de ONGs para promover o desenvolvimento através de políticas de bem-estar (ex.: doações) em detrimento do empoderamento genuíno das pessoas são responsáveis pelo sucesso limitado das hortas comunitárias.     

Understanding quality in services supporting women survivors of gender-based violence

On the basis of participatory research with service providers, service users, and external actors in Guatemala, Mozambique, and Nicaragua, we have developed a novel framework to describe and assess the quality of services for women and girls who have experienced violence against women (VAW survivors). The framework (1) provides a practical definition of quality, and (2) offers a structure to assess the effectiveness of services for VAW survivors in a development context. It can be adjusted to various situations, as well as to the different needs of service providers and of those who design, monitor, and support VAW programmes.

Comprendre la qualité dans les services d'aide aux survivantes de violences basées sur le genre

Sur la base de recherches participatives menées avec des prestataires de services, des utilisateurs de services et des acteurs externes au Guatemala, au Mozambique et au Nicaragua, nous avons mis au point un cadre original pour décrire et évaluer la qualité des services pour les femmes et les filles qui ont subi des violences faites aux femmes (VFF). Le cadre (1) propose une définition concrète de la qualité et (2) confère une structure permettant d’évaluer l'efficacité des services aux survivantes de VFF dans un contexte de développement. Il peut être ajusté en fonction de diverses situations, ainsi que des différents besoins des prestataires de services et de ceux qui conçoivent, surveillent et soutiennent les programmes de lutte contre la VFF.

Comprendiendo la calidad de los servicios que apoyan a mujeres sobrevivientes a la violencia de género

Con base en una investigación participativa realizada en Guatemala, Mozambique y Nicaragua con proveedores de servicios, usuarios de servicios y actores externos, las autoras desarrollaron un marco de referencia innovador que describe y valora la calidad de los servicios ofrecidos a mujeres y niñas que han experimentado violencia contra las mujeres (sobrevivientes de vcm). Este marco propone (1) una definición práctica de calidad; y (2) una estructura que permita valorar la efectividad de los servicios orientados a las sobrevivientes de la vcm en un contexto de desarrollo. Dicho marco puede ajustarse de acuerdo a las distintas situaciones y a las diferentes necesidades de los proveedores de servicios y de las personas que elaboran, monitorean y apoyan programas de vcm.

Compreendendo a qualidade de serviços de apoio a mulheres sobreviventes da violência baseada em gênero

Com base em pesquisa participativa com provedores de serviço, usuários de serviço e agentes externos na Guatemala, Moçambique e Nicarágua, desenvolvemos uma estrutura nova para descrever e avaliar a qualidade de serviços oferecidos a mulheres e meninas que enfrentaram a Violência Contra Mulheres (sobreviventes da VCM). A estrutura (1) oferece uma definição prática de qualidade e a (2) oferece uma estrutura para avaliar a efetividade dos serviços para sobreviventes da VCM em um contexto de desenvolvimento. Ela pode ser ajustada a várias situações, assim como a diferentes necessidades dos provedores de serviço e daqueles que criam, monitoram e apoiam programas de combate à VCM.     

The EU as Promoter of Environmental Norms in the Doha Round

This article investigates the reasons why the EU tried to promote environmental norms in the Doha round. It argues that the EU's support of a ‘greener’ World Trade Organization stems from tensions between the rigidity of the domestic dynamics of positive integration in the EU and the increased bindingness of negative integration commitments undertaken under the WTO. Consensual decision-making procedures in the EU led societal groups to push for stringent food safety and environmental regulations in the EU, and made them very resistant to change. These dynamics of positive integration, however, produced rules that were inconsistent with negative integration commitments undertaken under the WTO, at a time when the creation of a quasi-judicial dispute settlement mechanism in the trade regime had greatly increased the bindingness of WTO rules. As a result of the twofold effect of domestic and international institutional constraints, EU decision-makers were subject to compelling incentives to try and strengthen legitimate exceptions from WTO rules and immunise European regulation against WTO legal challenges. Empirical evidence on how the EU shaped its trade-and-environment agenda in the run-up to the Doha Round in 2001, as well as how it negotiated in the subsequent period, lends support to the argument.     

A New Phase of European Integration: Organised Capitalisms in Post-Ricardian Europe

In the past, economic integration in Europe was largely compatible with the preservation of different national varieties of capitalism. While product market integration intensified competition, member states could build on and foster their respective comparative advantage. Today, this no longer unequivocally holds true. This article contends that a new, ‘post-Ricardian’ phase of European integration has emerged in which the Commission's and the European Court of Justice's (ECJ's) attempts to promote economic integration systematically challenge the institutions of organised capitalism. It demonstrates this by discussing recent disputes over the Services Directive, the Takeover Directive, and company law. In the current phase of European integration, the Commission's and the ECJ's liberalisation attempts either transform the institutional foundations on which some of the member states' economic systems rely or they create political resistance to an extent that challenges the viability of the European project.     

Evaluation Processes,Local Cadres' Behaviour and Local Development Processes

This study investigates the impact of political evaluations on the behaviour of leading county and township cadres in rural China. The article is structured in two parts. In the first section the institutional foundations of the evaluation system for local administrations in rural China will be introduced. The section will conclude with a brief overview of policy reforms initiated by the centre to tackle some of the perceived shortcomings of the present system. The second part of this article will feature the behavioural responses of local cadres to evaluations as identified in our field research interviews and secondary literature. It becomes obvious that the performance evaluation system and its targets have become an important point of orientation for local cadres—although there are important variations among different groups of officials. Finally, in the conclusion the argument for an alternative perspective on performance evaluations in the context of rural China will be developed: on the one side a channel for specialised political communication, steering cadres' behaviour and promoting an incentive system; on the other side a trigger to a multitude of social responses of leading local cadres. In the end these social responses might have more influence on cadre behaviour than the incentives embodied in the evaluations themselves.     

How Do Americans Evaluate China's International Responsibility? An Empirical Assessment

China in recent years has been asked by other major powers to take a greater share in international responsibility in response to the rise in China's national capability. Negative perceptions about how China is dodging its international responsibility exist not only among policy makers around the world, but have spread to worldwide mass publics, especially across the American people. In this article, we apply the dataset from the ‘Americans’ Attitudes toward China Survey' (AACS) to investigate what the American public think of China's international responsibility and which factors explain the varying evaluations from different theoretical perspectives. The results indicate that Americans' negative evaluations of China's international responsibility are associated with poor ratings regarding China's fulfillment of its domestic obligations and apprehension regarding China's potential threat, but has little to do with China's international behavior. To reduce these negative evaluations, China needs to improve its human rights conditions, give people more political rights, and convince the American public of the benevolence of its ascending power. In addition, persistent efforts toward soft-power construction are also very important since Americans who are interested in Chinese culture or knowledge tend not to think that China is dodging its international responsibility.