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961.
Nicole E. Werner Matthew F. Bumpus Daquarii Rock 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2010,39(6):607-619
The current study examined concurrent and longitudinal predictors of early adolescents’ involvement in Internet aggression.
Cross-sectional results (N = 330; 57% female) showed that the likelihood of reporting Internet aggression was higher among youth who spent more time
using Internet-based technologies to communicate with friends and who were themselves targets of Internet aggression. Offline
relational aggression and beliefs supportive of relational and physical aggression also predicted concurrent involvement in
Internet aggression. We used longitudinal data (N = 150; 51% female) to distinguish between youth who were aggressive in traditional contexts only (i.e., school) from those
who were aggressive both online and offline. These results indicated that youth who were aggressive both online and offline
were older at the initial assessment, were targets of Internet aggression, and held beliefs more supportive of relational
aggression than youth who were aggressive offline only. Implications and directions for future research are discussed. 相似文献
962.
Heidi E. Grunwald Brian Lockwood Philip W. Harris Jeremy Mennis 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2010,39(9):1067-1079
This study examined the effects of neighborhood context on juvenile recidivism to determine if neighborhoods influence the
likelihood of reoffending. Although a large body of literature exists regarding the impact of environmental factors on delinquency,
very little is known about the effects of these factors on juvenile recidivism. The sample analyzed includes 7,061 delinquent
male juveniles committed to community-based programs in Philadelphia, of which 74% are Black, 13% Hispanic, and 11% White.
Since sample youths were nested in neighborhoods, a hierarchical generalized linear model was employed to predict recidivism
across three general categories of recidivism offenses: drug, violent, and property. Results indicate that predictors vary
across the types of offenses and that drug offending differs from property and violent offending. Neighborhood-level factors
were found to influence drug offense recidivism, but were not significant predictors of violent offenses, property offenses,
or an aggregated recidivism measure, despite contrary expectations. Implications stemming from the finding that neighborhood
context influences only juvenile drug recidivism are discussed. 相似文献
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Much economic policy is deliberately shifted away from direct political processes to administrative processes—political pressure deflection. Pressure deflection poses a puzzle to standard political economy models which suggest that having policies to ‘sell’ is valuable to politicians. The puzzle is solved here by showing that incumbents will favor pressure deflection since it can deter viability of a challenger, essentially like entry deterrence. U.S. trade policy since 1934 provides a prime example, especially antidumping law and its evolution. 相似文献
968.
A prominent change in American electoral institutions occurred when the 17th Amendment to the Constitution established direct election of U.S. Senators as of 1914. How did this change the political agency relationship between the mass electorate and U.S. Senators? We develop theoretical expectations about the representational effects of direct election by a relatively inexpert mass electorate and indirect election by a relatively expert political intermediary, based on principal‐agent theory. The chief predictions are that the representative will be more responsive to the mass electorate under direct election, but will also have more discretion to pursue his or her own ends. We use the 17th Amendment as a quasi‐experiment to test the predictions of the theory. Statistical models show strong support for both predictions. Moreover, the 17th Amendment is not associated with similar changes in the U.S. House of Representatives—as expected, since the amendment did not change House electoral institutions. 相似文献
969.
Local Institutions and the Politics of Urban Growth 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
Mark Lubell Richard C. Feiock Edgar E. Ramirez de la Cruz 《American journal of political science》2009,53(3):649-665
This article uses a political market framework to analyze how the structure of local political institutions affects the relative political influence of development and environmental interests in the context of urban growth. Using panel data from 406 Florida cities from 1998 to 2003, the empirical analysis finds important interaction effects between the structure of city executive branch institutions and interest group variables. The economic and political forces driving urban growth do not operate identically in all cities—they vary as a function of institutional context. Institutional structure helps determine which interest groups have their preferences reflected in local land-use changes and development patterns. The resulting patterns suggest a "sustainability paradox" wherein richer, environmental interests push for the preservation of environmental amenities while at the same time accelerating the number of residential units built in a community. 相似文献
970.
David E. Campbell 《American journal of political science》2009,53(4):771-786
According to the sorting model of education, the impact of education on civic engagement is relative, rather than absolute. Education correlates with greater engagement because it is a marker of social status; the degree of status conferred by your level of education is determined by the average level of education within your environment. This article tests the sorting model by paying strict heed to its assumptions. The analysis confirms the model, but considerably narrows its reach. Sorting applies only to one particular type (electoral activity), only when the educational environment accounts for variation across age and place, and only when one models the interactive relationship between education at the individual and environmental levels. Furthermore, sorting applies more to men than women. The same analytical framework demonstrates that being in a more highly educated environment amplifies the relationship between education and democratic enlightenment (political knowledge and tolerance). 相似文献