全文获取类型
收费全文 | 30836篇 |
免费 | 889篇 |
国内免费 | 5篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 1304篇 |
工人农民 | 1241篇 |
世界政治 | 2364篇 |
外交国际关系 | 1084篇 |
法律 | 18842篇 |
中国共产党 | 8篇 |
中国政治 | 215篇 |
政治理论 | 6346篇 |
综合类 | 326篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 408篇 |
2019年 | 479篇 |
2018年 | 602篇 |
2017年 | 719篇 |
2016年 | 740篇 |
2015年 | 529篇 |
2014年 | 586篇 |
2013年 | 2975篇 |
2012年 | 782篇 |
2011年 | 819篇 |
2010年 | 670篇 |
2009年 | 725篇 |
2008年 | 842篇 |
2007年 | 909篇 |
2006年 | 876篇 |
2005年 | 782篇 |
2004年 | 790篇 |
2003年 | 849篇 |
2002年 | 736篇 |
2001年 | 1187篇 |
2000年 | 1052篇 |
1999年 | 884篇 |
1998年 | 504篇 |
1997年 | 387篇 |
1996年 | 377篇 |
1995年 | 347篇 |
1994年 | 424篇 |
1993年 | 390篇 |
1992年 | 589篇 |
1991年 | 650篇 |
1990年 | 596篇 |
1989年 | 570篇 |
1988年 | 588篇 |
1987年 | 558篇 |
1986年 | 597篇 |
1985年 | 557篇 |
1984年 | 470篇 |
1983年 | 501篇 |
1982年 | 402篇 |
1981年 | 389篇 |
1980年 | 286篇 |
1979年 | 394篇 |
1978年 | 277篇 |
1977年 | 235篇 |
1976年 | 205篇 |
1975年 | 229篇 |
1974年 | 255篇 |
1973年 | 209篇 |
1972年 | 200篇 |
1971年 | 175篇 |
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
971.
Rebecca J. Walter 《Housing Policy Debate》2018,28(4):553-571
Fair Market Rents (FMRs), calculated for an entire metropolitan region, are used to establish payment standards for the Housing Choice Voucher (HCV) program. In response to recent criticism that FMRs do not represent rent disparity and restrict households from moving to high-opportunity areas, a new rule introducing Small Area Fair Market Rents (SAFMRs) has been issued. SAFMRs are based on ZIP codes to reflect local market rents and increase the number of payment standards used to administer the HCV program. The purpose of this research is to determine whether the number of payment standards can be reduced by consolidating ZIP codes, while adhering to the primary objectives of the SAFMR rule. The ZIP code grouping process conducted offers one method for reducing the number of payment standards needed to implement the new rule; however, the rent analysis reveals the over- and underestimation of SAFMRs for some ZIP codes. 相似文献
972.
C. J. Gabbe 《Housing Policy Debate》2018,28(3):411-427
There is strong evidence that land use regulations constrain housing production. We know less about how real estate developers respond to specific zoning provisions. I compare the characteristics of new multifamily housing with baseline land use regulations in two sets of rail station areas in Los Angeles. I supplement this building-scale analysis with expert interviews. I find that developers were most sensitive to density restrictions and parking requirements. The average development in the Vermont/Western area had 112% of the maximum allowable residential density and 94% of the minimum required parking. Koreatown’s average development had 99% of the maximum density and 88% of the required parking. But, there was variation by area and whether a building was affordable or market rate, apartment or condominium, and by development size. Additionally, regulatory implementation can matter as much as the written regulations themselves. I recommend that cities take an evidence-based approach to reforming regulations and implementation processes. 相似文献
973.
974.
975.
Zachary Greene Jae-Jae Spoon Christopher J. Williams 《Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties》2018,28(3):307-329
Scotland’s future within the European Union (EU) played a prominent role in the 2014 independence referendum. The story goes that latent supporters of independence voted to stay within the UK to maintain EU access. Defeated, Scottish leaders declared the referendum a once-in-a-life-time event only repeated if conditions substantially changed. With the UK now facing a chaotic exit from the EU, proponents of Scottish independence have suggested that a second referendum may occur after Brexit negotiations are completed. Faced with a consensus among Scottish party leaders in supporting EU membership, those hoping for a second independence referendum, we argue, looked to alternate sources of information that saw Brexit as an opportunity to create the conditions that would spur a second referendum. Using panel data from the British Election Study, we examine whether Scottish voters voted tactically to leave the EU. We argue that Scottish National Party voters were likely to interpret statements on the conditions for a second independence referendum as an implicit signal to vote “Leave.” The results have important implications for the role of referendums in representative democracy, strategic voting, and the importance of intra-party division on individual vote choices. 相似文献
976.
977.
Right-wing populist parties portray immigrants as economic or symbolic threats in their political advertisements by constructing a moral divide between the “good” ordinary people and “bad” immigrants. Yet, it remains unclear how these different threat appeals contribute to the formation of anti-immigrant attitudes among citizens and what role visual elements play in producing these effects. A survey-experiment with a quota sample of 471 participants reveals that, overall, symbolic threat appeals exert stronger effects on anti-immigrant attitudes than economic ones. When presented via text alone, only symbolic—not economic—threat appeals increased anti-immigrant attitudes via the activation of heuristic processing such as the reliance on negative stereotypes or feelings of anxiety, in particular among lower-educated citizens. When visuals were present, both types of threat appeals enhanced anti-immigrant attitudes among citizens across all education levels based on heuristic processing. Additionally, high image-text congruency induced cognitive argument approval resulting in higher anti-immigrant attitudes. 相似文献
978.
Bryon J. Moraski 《Democratization》2017,24(4):575-593
This article argues that the effectiveness of the tactics ruling parties use to control the electoral arena may depend on the electoral experience of its subordinates. To substantiate this point, the work examines Russia’s “locomotives” – the practice of placing regional governors on the list of the ruling party, United Russia, during national legislative elections. It argues that electoral payoffs also came from select regions without locomotives. Given the move to appointed governors, list exclusion likely indicated gubernatorial vulnerability. As a result, governors left off United Russia’s list may have responded by seeking to demonstrate their electoral utility, and those with longer tenures were more likely to succeed in these efforts. An analysis of the 2007 Duma elections shows that United Russia’s vote share was higher in regions where long-serving governors were left off the list. Since Russia’s appointment system dramatically changed the gubernatorial corps between 2007 and 2011, the article also considers changes in the effects of list placement over time. It finds that the relationship between list exclusion and higher vote shares for United Russia disappears as governors with electoral experience were removed from office. 相似文献
979.
980.