首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   20165篇
  免费   662篇
  国内免费   5篇
各国政治   791篇
工人农民   880篇
世界政治   1359篇
外交国际关系   701篇
法律   13003篇
中国共产党   6篇
中国政治   174篇
政治理论   3729篇
综合类   189篇
  2020年   264篇
  2019年   332篇
  2018年   420篇
  2017年   473篇
  2016年   492篇
  2015年   342篇
  2014年   372篇
  2013年   1835篇
  2012年   532篇
  2011年   579篇
  2010年   469篇
  2009年   512篇
  2008年   581篇
  2007年   628篇
  2006年   614篇
  2005年   535篇
  2004年   537篇
  2003年   569篇
  2002年   486篇
  2001年   811篇
  2000年   703篇
  1999年   588篇
  1998年   294篇
  1997年   221篇
  1996年   250篇
  1995年   216篇
  1994年   251篇
  1993年   237篇
  1992年   407篇
  1991年   435篇
  1990年   447篇
  1989年   382篇
  1988年   433篇
  1987年   380篇
  1986年   406篇
  1985年   365篇
  1984年   293篇
  1983年   283篇
  1982年   221篇
  1981年   233篇
  1980年   166篇
  1979年   217篇
  1978年   155篇
  1977年   125篇
  1976年   125篇
  1975年   149篇
  1974年   166篇
  1973年   126篇
  1972年   118篇
  1970年   115篇
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
971.
Evidence is found that state-level economic conditions played a significant role in the defeat of George Bush in the 1992 U.S. presidential election. Evidence is also found which indicates that the entrance of Ross Perot into the race as an independent candidate was not instrumental in the Bush loss.  相似文献   
972.
973.
Abstract: The effects of the Electronic Lodgment Service on relations between tax agents and the Australian Taxation Office provide evidence for both the value and limitations of integrating information technology innovation with regulatory reform strategy. IT innovations such as ELS can promote cooperative regulation. The limitations of this achievement are largely limitations of regulatory context and strategy.  相似文献   
974.
This article describes the findings of a program of research exploring the cognitive and behavioral consequences of passionate concern about government policy issues. American citizens vary a great deal in terms of the personal importance they attach to their attitudes on particular policy issues. Citizens whose policy attitudes are especially important to them are likely to think frequently about those attitudes, to perceive competing candidates as being relatively polarized on the issue, and to form presidential candidate preferences on the basis of those attitudes. Also, policy attitudes that citizens consider personally important are highly resistant to change and are therefore especially stable over long periods of time. The American public appears to be structured into many small issue publics, each composed of citizens who are passionately concerned about a single issue. Most Americans fall into very few issue publics, the particular ones being determined by each individual's unique self-interests, social identifications, and cherished values. The implications of these findings for the workings of democracies are discussed.  相似文献   
975.
976.
Books in review     
A former editor of theAmerican Historical Review, he has written extensively on the history of modern Great Britain and more recently has published essays on the nature of the contemporary urban university.  相似文献   
977.
where he teaches ethics and public policy in addition to American government. He is the co-editor (with Leslie G. Rubin) of The Quest for Justice.  相似文献   
978.
This paper attempted to demonstrate that a rational voter model as derived by Barzel and Silberberg (1973) can be used (with modifications) to explain third party voting in presidential elections. The empirical findings strongly suggest that the rational voter model is applicable in explaining third party voting. This conclusion likewise suggests that people who vote for third parties do so under similar motivations as people who vote for the major parties. Thus, people do not appear to regard votes for third parties as wasted votes or engage in the voting process in an irrational fashion. Lastly, votes for third parties represent the transmission of individual preferences by people who believe that their vote is important and that in the aggregate their signal may be interpreted as a signal to alter the direction of current policies as run by the major parties. Therefore, it does not appear from the evidence presented here that we should distinguish between or treat differently voting participation for the major parties versus the minor or third parties in presidential elections.The author expresses appreciation to Charles Campbell, Gary Pecquet, Paul W. Grimes, and James E. McClure for comments and criticisms. The usual caveat applies.  相似文献   
979.
This study examines the roles of the executive budgetary proposal, the executive veto, the legislative override, and legislative uncertainty about the executive's preferences in determining the outcome of a budgetary process. A sequential model of the budgetary process with three institutional agents — a legislature, an appropriations committee, and an executive — is presented. To focus attention on the executive proposal, the veto, the override provision, and uncertainty, simplifying assumptions are made: (1) the appropriations committee has monopoly agenda power, and (2) there is a closed amendment control rule. In order to characterize sequential equilibria of various combinations of veto rules and override provisions, we examine a particular arrangement of agents' preferences and a two item budget. The results demonstrate that the final budget depends critically on the executive proposal, the executive veto rule, the override provision, and the uncertainty. We achieve three striking results. First, the executive proposal may be effective in reducing the frequency of the exercised veto. Second, for a given override provision, a movement from the item veto to the item reduction veto leaves the executive worse off in some cases. Third, with the same change in institutions, the government budget may increase.  相似文献   
980.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号