全文获取类型
收费全文 | 18731篇 |
免费 | 562篇 |
国内免费 | 5篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 744篇 |
工人农民 | 800篇 |
世界政治 | 1201篇 |
外交国际关系 | 621篇 |
法律 | 12266篇 |
中国共产党 | 6篇 |
中国政治 | 167篇 |
政治理论 | 3291篇 |
综合类 | 202篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 245篇 |
2019年 | 297篇 |
2018年 | 375篇 |
2017年 | 425篇 |
2016年 | 445篇 |
2015年 | 314篇 |
2014年 | 341篇 |
2013年 | 1690篇 |
2012年 | 505篇 |
2011年 | 556篇 |
2010年 | 445篇 |
2009年 | 452篇 |
2008年 | 561篇 |
2007年 | 612篇 |
2006年 | 576篇 |
2005年 | 522篇 |
2004年 | 532篇 |
2003年 | 550篇 |
2002年 | 484篇 |
2001年 | 762篇 |
2000年 | 631篇 |
1999年 | 527篇 |
1998年 | 259篇 |
1997年 | 179篇 |
1996年 | 213篇 |
1995年 | 185篇 |
1994年 | 212篇 |
1993年 | 219篇 |
1992年 | 356篇 |
1991年 | 407篇 |
1990年 | 387篇 |
1989年 | 348篇 |
1988年 | 396篇 |
1987年 | 327篇 |
1986年 | 375篇 |
1985年 | 335篇 |
1984年 | 278篇 |
1983年 | 261篇 |
1982年 | 193篇 |
1981年 | 207篇 |
1980年 | 136篇 |
1979年 | 196篇 |
1978年 | 143篇 |
1977年 | 126篇 |
1976年 | 120篇 |
1975年 | 139篇 |
1974年 | 158篇 |
1973年 | 135篇 |
1972年 | 128篇 |
1969年 | 120篇 |
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
951.
Réka Végvári 《Acta Juridica Hungarica》2000,41(3-4):213-223
Act of XIX/1998 on Criminal Procedure that had become known in theeyes of the public and the legal sciences as The New Code on CriminalProcedure was promulgated by the Hungarian Parliament on its sessionof 10th of March 1998. The reason for the creation of such an Act was theeagerness to finally get rid of the criminal procedure act of the socialistera, e.g. to get rid of its principle of equality of two main phases: theinvestigation and the procedure in front of the court. Also it was among thepurposes of the new act to adjust our rules of procedure to the regulationsof the Western European Countries. The legislator was took into considerationthe general principles and institutions of Act XXXIII of 1896 on CriminalProcedure, without reviving its surpassed parts. The practices of the Strasbourginstitutes were considered as well. 相似文献
952.
Two of the three large countries on the North American continent—the United States and Canada—share a number of similarities that often make it difficult for the untrained observer to differentiate between the two nations. On the surface, the two are structured similarly as federal systems that, by definition, exhibit shared power between the national government and provincial or state political entities.Although there are other important social and economic characteristics of the two countries that help explain differences in policy processes and outcomes, it is the contention of this article that one gets the clearest sense of what Elazar has called thinking federal by utilizing an analytical approach that joins questions related to federalism with some conceptual frameworks of the public policy field. Two frameworks undergird the argument in this article—the Lowi typology of different types of policies and Deil Wright's typology of different models that describe the American inter-governmental system.In both countries, policies must be sensitive to the greater interdependencies between units of government as well as to linkages between policy areas. The mechanisms or instrumentalities for dealing with policy issues are intrinsically complex. It is also clear that the intergovernmental networks that exist in both the U.S. and Canada are composed of an array of actors. The differing political structures of the systems do impact the types of intergovernmental policies that have emerged in the two countries. The executive dominance so imbedded in Canadian governments has contributed to their ability to adopt and implement certain controversial redistributive policies, such as a national health insurance program. By contrast, the fragmentation of the U.S. system makes redistributive policies more difficult. 相似文献
953.
Grigorii V. Golosov 《Central Asian Survey》2020,39(3):285-302
ABSTRACT This article overviews and seeks to explain the processes of party system formation in the post-Soviet Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan) by focusing on a crucial party-system property, fragmentation. The analysis reveals that to a much greater extent than in democracies, where party systems are largely shaped by societal factors, the level of party system fragmentation in autocracies is determined by the scope of presidential powers, as entrenched in the formal institutional order and reflected in the national constitution. The level of authoritarianism is largely inconsequential for party system fragmentation, while the role of electoral rules is secondary. Institutionally weak and institutionally strong autocratic presidents have a preference for fragmented party systems, while presidents with an intermediate range of powers seek and obtain low levels of party system fragmentation. 相似文献
954.
Věra Stojarová 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2020,20(1):221-236
ABSTRACTThe article concludes the Special Issue, Illiberal Politics in Southeast Europe, on the retreat of liberal democracy in the region. It focuses on the central themes that link all the papers together: free and fair elections, media freedom, judicial independence, privileged access to public resources and the role of civil society. It seeks to disentangle the causes and consequences of illiberal politics in the region and explores the similarities in the illiberal practices and strategies incumbents use with the aim of staying in power indefinitely. The main argument is that democratic backsliding in Southeast Europe is deeply rooted in the unfinished transitions of the 1990s, which gave rise to new political and economic elites and that blending those two into one resulted in the dominance of the executive over the judiciary and legislature. These new elites became entrenched during the wars and conflicts that affected the region. The enabling factors were of societal origin – clientelist practices, corruption, nepotism and mistrust in politics accompanied by external factors – as well as international pull and push factors (from the EU and Russia) along with a domino effect of democratic backsliding in the region. 相似文献
955.
956.
957.
The public choice literature contains little formal analysis of the bureaucratic choice of production modes — public or private — of publicly funded services. An important question to be addressed is why some governmental bodies choose to provide a publicly funded service with publicly owned and operated production units whereas other governmental bodies contract with private firms to provide the same publicly funded service. This paper is the first formal attempt to remedy this gap in the literature. We develop a theoretical explanation of the government decision maker's choice between public and private production modes based on utility maximizing behavior. We then examine empirically this choice employing logit analysis. The empirical results, which include several tests for robustness, confirm our theoretical explanation. The results are significant and suggest that non-monetary constraints are an important factor affecting this choice of production modes and that monetary constraints are less influential. 相似文献
958.
Harvey A. Averch 《Journal of policy analysis and management》1987,6(3):342-361
Restricted research budgets, expanding claims for resources, and steeply escalating costs have increased the demand for methods that establish or predict the efficiency or productivity of expenditures on basic research. Irvine and Martin (I-M) have recently advocated head-to-head efficiency comparisons of research performers using publications and citations. This paper (1) criticizes the I-M approach from the perspective of economics and policy analysis; (2) illustrates the natural production function extension of the I-M approach; (3) demonstrates, by worked out examples, the feasibility of such an extension along with its pitfalls; and (4) argues that combined econometric-bibliometric modeling can be used to improve research allocations with only modest increases in agency “transaction” costs. The paper presents a prototype efficiency analysis using recent NSF data for the behavioral and neural sciences. 相似文献
959.
This study explores regionalism in the appointment and decisionmakingpatterns of federal district judges. We begin with an examinationof the general appointment strategies of Ronald Reagan, JimmyCarter, and other recent presidents. The role of local constraintsin this process is emphasized. Next, the behavior of federaldistrict judges appointed by recent presidents is analyzed bycomparing levels of support for civil rights and civil libertiesclaims in cases decided during the 19771985 period. TheReagan appointees' support scores are compared with those ofjudges appointed by Carter and other recent Democratic and Republicanpresidents. Comparisons are made in the nation as a whole andalso across circuits and states. Our findings indicate thatthe Reagan appointees are less supportive of civil rights andliberties claims than judges named to the bench by Carter orother recent Democratic and Republican presidents. 相似文献
960.
J. A. Chandler 《Political studies》1989,37(4):604-611
There are several important justifications for autonomous units of local government, derived from the writings of J. S. Mill and later theories concerning the value of pluralism. These arguments fail to show that local government is a morally necessary, as opposed to expedient, adjunct to liberal-democratic government. The paper develops from J. S. Mill's ideas on liberty a more substantive justification for local government based on the principle that local government can be a means for ensuring that the determination of collective decisions are made solely by those people affected by the decision. 相似文献