全文获取类型
收费全文 | 30765篇 |
免费 | 960篇 |
国内免费 | 5篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 1305篇 |
工人农民 | 1241篇 |
世界政治 | 2364篇 |
外交国际关系 | 1084篇 |
法律 | 18839篇 |
中国共产党 | 8篇 |
中国政治 | 215篇 |
政治理论 | 6348篇 |
综合类 | 326篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 408篇 |
2019年 | 479篇 |
2018年 | 602篇 |
2017年 | 719篇 |
2016年 | 740篇 |
2015年 | 529篇 |
2014年 | 586篇 |
2013年 | 2975篇 |
2012年 | 782篇 |
2011年 | 820篇 |
2010年 | 671篇 |
2009年 | 725篇 |
2008年 | 842篇 |
2007年 | 909篇 |
2006年 | 876篇 |
2005年 | 782篇 |
2004年 | 790篇 |
2003年 | 849篇 |
2002年 | 736篇 |
2001年 | 1187篇 |
2000年 | 1052篇 |
1999年 | 884篇 |
1998年 | 504篇 |
1997年 | 387篇 |
1996年 | 377篇 |
1995年 | 348篇 |
1994年 | 424篇 |
1993年 | 390篇 |
1992年 | 589篇 |
1991年 | 650篇 |
1990年 | 596篇 |
1989年 | 570篇 |
1988年 | 588篇 |
1987年 | 558篇 |
1986年 | 597篇 |
1985年 | 557篇 |
1984年 | 470篇 |
1983年 | 501篇 |
1982年 | 402篇 |
1981年 | 389篇 |
1980年 | 286篇 |
1979年 | 394篇 |
1978年 | 277篇 |
1977年 | 235篇 |
1976年 | 205篇 |
1975年 | 229篇 |
1974年 | 255篇 |
1973年 | 209篇 |
1972年 | 200篇 |
1971年 | 175篇 |
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
891.
Christopher J. Fettweis 《安全研究》2017,26(3):423-451
Despite a few persistent, high-profile conflicts in the Middle East, the world is experiencing an era of unprecedented peace and stability. Many scholars have offered explanations for this “New Peace,” to borrow Steven Pinker's phrase, but few have devoted much time to the possibility that US hegemony has brought stability to the system. This paper examines the theoretical, empirical, and psychological foundations of the hegemonic-stability explanation for the decline in armed conflict. Those foundations are rather thin, as it turns out, and a review of relevant insights from political psychology suggests that unipolarity and stability are probably epiphenomenal. The New Peace can in all likelihood continue without US dominance and should persist long after unipolarity comes to an end. 相似文献
892.
893.
Clifford A. Kiracofe 《北京周报(英文版)》2017,60(36)
<正>Washington hawks must not be allowed to disrupt China--U.S.relations Will Washington unleash a trade war against China?President Donald Trump recently signed an executive order that triggers an extensive Section 301investigation of intellectual property(IP)issues between China and the U.S.The Section 301 process goes back to1974,when the U.S.was having trade issues with several countries.It is a unilateral process undertaken internally by the U.S.Government’s executive branch and can 相似文献
894.
The Conditional Nature of Political Risk: How Home Institutions Influence the Location of Foreign Direct Investment
下载免费PDF全文
![点击此处可从《American journal of political science》网站下载免费的PDF全文](/ch/ext_images/free.gif)
What determines whether countries' institutions attract or deter investment? Although existing theories predict that multinational enterprises (MNEs) avoid locations where institutions cannot constrain public and private actors' opportunistic behavior, we argue host institutions' attractiveness depends on firms' home environment. Home country institutions shape firms' practices and capabilities, thus helping to determine the environments that firms are best prepared to face abroad. We test our predictions using multiple data sets at different levels of analysis: firm‐level data on MNEs' foreign subsidiaries, data on bilateral foreign direct investment (FDI) positions, and longitudinal data on bilateral FDI flows. We find that states with independent judiciaries are particularly attractive to investment from countries also possessing independent courts. Similarly, countries with low judicial independence disproportionately send FDI to countries lacking independent judiciaries. These findings' implications challenge conventional wisdom: “Good” institutions may not attract all investors, and “bad” institutions may not always deter, as current research suggests. 相似文献
895.
Carole A Oglesby 《Journal of Sexual Aggression》2013,19(2):107-110
Abstract It may seem curious to some readers to match the outstanding athlete biographical sketches of the main scholar-researchers of this volume with their fierce message regarding the threat to sport, and its practitioners, from sexual harassment. In an absolutist, three second sound bite, mass consumption stereotype-driven developed world, one might expect here a “weakest link” debate about the value(s) of sport. This debate would feature effete, intellectual critics and very muscular, tradition-bound advocates. Not so; for these writers not only demonstrate well-reasoned and literature-informed arguments, and thorough, data-driven analyses but also courageous research programmes extending back to times when the work they did was completely marginalised and misunderstood. Their work, then as now, was fuelled in great part by a deep awareness and regard for the experience of sport as a healthy and joyful human right and by a wish to preserve it as such, for all. 相似文献
896.
897.
898.
Rachel J. Cahill‐O'Callaghan 《Journal of law and society》2013,40(4):596-623
The non‐legal factors that influence judicial decisions have been the subject of extensive debate. Theoretical and empirical work has focused on factors including political ideology, activism, attitudes, and demographics. Personal values are related to these factors and are central to decision making. The study described in this article translated theories and techniques from psychological research to examine the role of personal values in judicial decision making. A novel method of assessment of value expression in legal opinions revealed a different pattern of values expressed in the majority and minority opinions of a case that divided the Supreme Court. An empirical study of legal academics extended this analysis and highlighted the significant influence of personal values on legal decisions. The value:decision paradigm provides a new framework to analyse judicial decision making, judicial division, and judicial discretion and has significant implications for judicial diversity. 相似文献
899.
Stephen J. Cimbala 《European Security》2013,22(4):69-90
This study considers the possible implications of information warfare for efforts to terminate a nuclear war, or a war between nuclear armed states that is about to go nuclear. Information warfare could interfere with some of the requirements for nuclear conflict termination in at least five ways: by increasing the difficulty of accurate communication between heads of state; by decreasing the likelihood of military compliance with terms of ceasefire or settlement; by reinforcing mass images of the enemy that make it more difficult for leaders to negotiate; and by making battle damage assessment more complicated; and by increasing the amount of uncertainty within an already chaotic government decision‐making process and within a possibly acephalous military instrument. 相似文献
900.