Child abuse by baby-sitters: An ecological-interactional interpretation

This study explored the social contexts in which physical abuse by baby-sitters occurred. This was accomplished through a content analysis of 98 founded case records of physical abuse committed by baby-sitters. In 70% of the case records there was evidence that sitters had a conflict with the victim prior to the abusive act. Children fighting with other children was the most common type of disturbance, followed by conflicts surrounding toilet training, children's continuous crying, disobedience, and rudeness. There was evidence that parents' explicit or implicit approval of baby-sitters' violence contributed to the child abuse in approximately one-quarter of the cases.This research was supported by a grant from the Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation.     

Identity,citizenship, and mobiIization: The Nationalities Branch and World War Two

Abstract: A perennial theme of Canadian political debates is the nature of Canada's national identity. It is becoming increasingly clear that this issue is intimately bound up with the question of citizenship, since contemporary identity claims are often couched in the language of rights and the contemporary Canadian state actively encourages identity through citizenship development. The few existing studies on modern Canadian citizenship policy tend to locate its origins in the 1960s, or at best in the 1946 Citizenship Act. This article shows that the questions of identity, citizenship and mobilization were addressed first during World War Two in an agency called the Nationalities Branch of the Department of National War Services. While contemporary policy certainly differs from these origins, the Nationalities Branch nonetheless was the parent of all subsequent administrative organs devoted explicitly to citizenship development. The article shows that citizenship policy first developed around the question of ethnic identity, that “identity formation” through citizenship policy is a coherent field of government activity that pre-dates the Citizenship Act, and that mobilization is an equally coherent field of government practice, even in a liberal-democratic state such as Canada. Sommaire: La nature de I'identité nationale du Canada constitue I'un des thèmes éternels des débats politiques canadiens. De plus en plus, il ressort que cette question est intimement liéeà celle de la citoyenneté, car les revendications contemporaines d'identité sont souvent exprimées dans le langage des droits et car I'État canadien contemporain encourage activement la quête d'une identité par le biais de I'acquisi-tion d'une citoyenneté. Les rares études qui existent sur les politiques modernes de citoyenneté canadienne retracent généralement les origines de ces politiques aux années 1960, ou au mieux à la Loi sur la citoyenneté de 1964. Cet article montre que les questions d'identité, de citoyenneté et de mobilisation ont retenu pour la première fois I'attention durant la Second Guerre mondiale, quand un organisme appelé la Direction des nationalités, au ministère des Services nationaux de la guerre, s'est penché sur elles. Certes, les politiques contemporaines diffèrent des politiques d'origine, mais la Direction des nationalités reste la source de tous les organisms administratifs qui furent créés par la suite pour traiter explicitement de la citoyenneté. Cet article indique que les politiques de citoyenneté sont nées tout d'abord de la question d'identité ethnique, que la formation d'une identité par le biais d'une politique de citoyenneté est un champ cohérent d'activités gouvernemen-tales, antérieur à la Loi sur la citoyenneté, et que la mobilisation est également un champ cohérent d'interventions gouvernementales, même dans un État libéral-démocratique comme le Canada.     

Women on the Sidelines: Women's Representation on Committees in Latin American Legislatures

This article explores how new groups can be marginalized after they gain representation in the legislature. We use data from six Latin American legislatures to examine the effect of institutional and political factors on how traditionally dominant male political leaders distribute scarce political resources—committee assignments—to female newcomers. In general, we find that women tend to be isolated on women's issues and social issues committees and kept off of power and economics/foreign affairs committees as the percentage of legislators who are women increases, when party leaders or chamber presidents control committee assignments, and when the structure of the committee system provides a specific committee to deal with women's issues. Thus, to achieve full incorporation into the legislative arena, newcomers must do more than just win seats. They must change the institutions that allow the traditionally dominant group to hoard scarce political resources .     

The financial implications of merging proactive CCTV monitoring and directed police patrol: a cost–benefit analysis

Objectives

This study presents a cost–benefit analysis of an intervention pairing proactive CCTV monitoring with directed police patrol in Newark, NJ. A recent randomized control trial found that the strategy generated significant crime reductions in treatment areas relative to control areas. The current study focuses on the financial implications of the experimental strategy through a cost–benefit analysis.

Methods

The study begins by measuring the costs and benefits associated with the experimental strategy, the findings of which can inform agencies with existing CCTV infrastructure. Follow-up analyses measure the costs and benefits of the intervention for agencies absent existing CCTV infrastructure, meaning a CCTV system would have to be funded in addition to the intervention outputs. Alongside overall benefits, this study presents the tangible cost savings afforded to the Criminal Justice system as well as to each of the separate criminal justice (CJ) system components: Policing, Courts, and Corrections.

Results

We found the experimental strategy to be highly cost effective for agencies with existing CCTV infrastructure. However, when the cost of the CCTV system is considered, the strategy is largely cost prohibitive. While the cumulative societal and criminal justice findings suggest some evidence of a modest cost savings, the strategy is highly cost prohibitive for each of the individual CJ system components when CCTV system costs are included.

Conclusions

Results suggest that the experimental strategy is a worthwhile investment for agencies with existing CCTV infrastructure. Agencies absent CCTV may want to consider whether funds would be better allocated towards alternate strategies.

     

Best practices for structuring a family court parenting plan evaluation under the 2022 AFCC Guidelines

Evaluation appointment orders provide enforceable scaffolding for conduct of family court parenting plan evaluations, and use of the evaluator's reports, feedback, file, and testimony. Unlike a contract, a stipulated or adjudicated appointment order is directly enforceable by the family court. It unambiguously positions the evaluator as the family court's appointee – answerable directly to the court and, in some jurisdictions, protected by quasi-judicial immunity from damages claims. A well-crafted appointment order governs the roles and expectations of the court, the evaluator, the parties, the lawyers, and the collateral witnesses. An appointment order mandates the legal duties, rights, powers, and responsibilities of the professionals, the parties, and the collateral witnesses. At minimum, an appointment order articulates the legal basis for the appointment, the purpose and scope of the evaluation, compensation of evaluator, and the duty of the parties to participate in the process. A written evaluation protocol or procedures statement discloses in advance the methods of investigation and assessment that the evaluator intends to use. Together, the appointment order and written protocol help the evaluator, lawyers, parents, and judge manage the complexity of the evaluation process.     

Do Conduct Problem Pathways Differ for Black and Minority Ethnic Children in the UK? An Examination of Trajectories from Early Childhood to Adolescence

Journal of Youth and Adolescence - A substantial body of evidence has examined developmental pathways into and out of conduct problems. However, there is a dearth of research examining whether the...     

The Social and Geographic Patterns of Sexual Offending: Is Sex Offender Residence Restriction Legislation Practical?

The development of sex offender residence restriction legislation was predicated on the assumption that sex offenders pose an increased risk to the public. The goal of such legislation was to create “sex-offender-free” zones in an effort to decrease sex offenders’ access to potential victims. Such legislation prohibits registered sex offenders from residing near landmarks where children are known to congregate. Empirical evidence thus far has failed to demonstrate that residing near these landmarks contributes to sex offenders’ ability to access victims, and may actually be doing more harm than good. The current study questions the rationale behind the implementation of residence restrictions and if this rationale is consistent with the realities of victim selection and sexual offending among incarcerated sex offenders. The sample consisted of 270 males incarcerated in a New Jersey correctional facility. The results demonstrate that most sex offenders resided within a 2,500-foot restricted landmark zone. However, after examining the methods sex offenders used and examining how far they traveled to meet or establish contact with their victims, residing near restricted landmarks did not contribute to victim selection. Of the 270 sex offenders, the offense patterns consistent with many residence restrictions were applicable to less than 1%.