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321.
322.
María Soledad Saux 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2007,13(1-2):57-72
In the aftermath of 9/11 several European countries intensified their counter-terrorism policy. This article refers to the Spanish response to the terrorist attacks in the USA and Madrid, with special attention paid to the consequences that (illegal) immigrants faced in relation to their rights. This collective is often depicted in public opinion as “folk devils” in the terminology of the Moral-Panics Theory. Using the latter as a model, this paper establishes that the connection between counter-terrorism policy and more restrictive legislation for foreigners is a construction, which is either insufficient or not satisfactorily explained by the social actors who propose it. The result is a policy that limits the immigrants’ liberty without necessarily making the rest safer. 相似文献
323.
Community Interventions: A Brief Overview and Their Application to the Obesity Epidemic 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Community-based interventions built on theory and informed by community members produce potent, sustainable change. This intervention model mobilizes inherent community assets and pinpoints specific needs. Advancing community-based research to address obesity will require training of future leaders in this methodology, funding to conduct rigorous trials, and scientific acceptance of this model. 相似文献
324.
Why do political parties prioritise some policy issues over others? While the issue ownership theory suggests that parties emphasise policy issues on which they have an advantage in order to increase the salience of these issues among voters, the riding the wave theory argues instead that parties respond to voters by highlighting policy issues that are salient in the minds of citizens. This study sheds new light on the selective issue emphasis of political parties by analysing issue attention throughout the entire electoral cycle. On the basis of a quantitative text analysis of more than 40,000 press releases published by German parties from 2000 until 2010, this article provides empirical support for the riding the wave theory. It shows that political parties take their cues from voters by responding to the issue priorities of their electorate. The results have important implications for political representation and the role that parties play in democracies. 相似文献
325.
Kamleshan Pillay Jorge E. Viñuales 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2016,16(6):933-951
Three dominant issues have historically plagued climate negotiations: How to bypass issues of sovereignty, generate sufficient climate finance, and establish an agreement that is inclusive of the current major polluters. These issues are prevalent within the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) under the Kyoto Protocol, and the CDM has provided policy makers with a useful starting point to understanding how offset credits can be utilised within a post-Kyoto framework. The primary aim of this research is to investigate how project-based offset credits generated by states would interact within a linked framework using monetary rules and exchange rates. The examination of a linked system, specifically, was owing to the structure of the proposed agreement to be finalised in Paris at COP 21 where nationally determined contributions would be submitted by each state, allowing for the possibility of linked domestic carbon market mechanisms. The certified emission reduction credits of the CDM were used as a model to investigate the trade of offset credits within a linked system which act as a unique climate currency of each domestic offset credit mechanism. These offset credits could be earned through the implementation of domestic projects or projects hosted in other states. From this research, we conclude that fixed exchange rates are more stable than flexible exchange rates in a climate currency framework. Fixed exchange rates reduce losses of capital (owing to uncertainty in the markets) and the prominence of asymmetric spatial price transmission associated with fiat offset credit prices. To encourage co-operation between developing and developed countries, it is recommended that a combination of currency area theory and trade blocs be implemented as opposed to a currency union. Currency areas are the most viable option as they maintain that the domestic offset credit mechanism is under the control of the state and retains a level of stability as individual state offset credit prices are fixed to the same price. Even though this research forms the basis for a new climate policy architecture, the overall effectiveness of the policy will be determined by the selection of appropriate discount schemes, increased participation and agreement by states, and most significantly, political will. 相似文献
326.
Drawing on material from a study of civil society and state crime in six countries, this article reflects on two themes from Chambliss’s work: the debate between state-centred and more pluralistic views of law, and the “dialectical” approach to the analysis of state crime. It argues for a more pluralistic approach to law than Chambliss and Seidman adopted in Law Order and Power, along with a broader approach to the definition of state crime as a form of deviant behaviour. Case studies from the civil society research illustrate how the strategies adopted by organizations challenging state practices can be understood in terms of an interplay between different forms of law. With some qualifications, we support Chambliss’s dialectical approach, and attempt to clarify just what the term “dialectical” means. Finally we bring together the two strands of the argument to propose an approach to state crime founded on “dialectical legal pluralism”. 相似文献
327.
Álvaro del Real María Sáenz-Aldea Ana Santurtún María T. Zarrabeitia 《Science & justice》2021,61(2):175-179
Scientific and technological progress in the field of forensic genetics is very useful in the resolution of criminal cases, but it entails the need for a deep ethical reflection, as the individual Fundamental Rights may be violated.This project aims to collect and compare the opinion of prisoners and prison officials on what characteristics the country's forensic database should have. In this context, 210 subjects were surveyed, 101 of them prisoners and the rest prison officials, from three different Spanish penitentiary centers.Among the results obtained, most prisoners and officials consider the national DNA database to be useful, and additionally, a 40% of the participants would support the integration of the profiles of the entire population. 64% considered it ethical to use the DNA profiles of the database as a tool for familial searching. Despite this, half of the respondents are concerned about the future uses of the DNA database.Integrating the opinion of these analyzed groups with other relevant judicial, scientific and ethical convictions, ensures the regulation between security and individual’s Human Rights. 相似文献
328.
María Patricia Navas Lorena Maneiro Olalla Cutrín José Antonio Gómez-Fraguela Jorge Sobral 《Legal and Criminological Psychology》2021,26(2):196-214
Previous research has revealed a strong association between moral disengagement (MD) and criminal behaviour. However, few studies have attempted to examine the contribution of dark personalities to MD. This study aims to first analyse the differences between forensic and community samples in the use of MD strategies and then replicate the factorial structure of the Dark Triad Dirty Dozen scale in an incarcerated sample as a pre-condition to examine the relationship between dark triad (DT) traits (i.e. Machiavellianism, psychopathy and narcissism) and MD. The sample comprised 160 incarcerated and 160 community adults. Comparisons between these two groups demonstrate that the incarcerated sample scored higher in MD and DT than the community sample. Furthermore, different MD strategies were related to each of the DT traits in the forensic and community samples. The results of exploratory factor analysis for the incarcerated sample indicate adequate fit indices for a bifactorial model of the DT (a latent factor of the shared variance of these constructs named the global DT and three specific latent factors for each component of the DT). The SEM analysis for this bifactorial model and MD disclosed direct and significant relationships between the global DT and MD in the incarcerated adults, while the Machiavellianism factor was directly and significantly related to MD in the community adults. These results highlight the relevance of cognitive (i.e. MD) strategies in forensic contexts, especially in incarcerated adults who present high levels of this DT profile. 相似文献
329.
With a very high unemployment rate but at the first stage of a timid economic recovery, Spain held regional and local elections in May 2015. The election results showed the fall of traditional parties and the emergence of new forces and citizens’ platforms, which increased the fragmentation of the party system. The PP (Partido Popular – Popular Party) continued to be the most voted-for party but post-election agreements brought the left to power in eight of the 14 regions that held elections, ending four years of conservative general dominance. After commenting on the context, the campaign and the results of the elections, this article explores the main characteristics of the new party competition and examines the profile of those voting for new political alternatives. 相似文献
330.
S c o t t H a u g e r 《国际安全研究》2016,2(2)
This preliminary study traces how climate change came to be viewed
as a security issue in the United States through a review of policy documents and
reports prepared for and by the US security sector. The paper draws upon the ideas
of constructivist schools of security studies to provide an analytical framework for
understanding the meaning of the securitization process as it has occurred in the
United States. It then refl ects upon the adequacy of those frameworks to interpret the
securitization of climate change. In the US, new knowledge of the phenomenon of
climate change was fi rst constructed in the research sector, in the fi elds of meteorology
and atmospheric science. Environmental and Earth sciences then became a locus of
research, and climate change fi rst entered security discourse as a topic of environmental
protection. As the implications of climate change and its potential impact on water
resources, food production, diseases, infrastructure, and human migration came to
the attention of the security sector, this knowledge stimulated an internal discourse,
where each new document functioned both as a new securitization statement and as a
policy response to prior documents in a chain of discourse. Actors in this securitization
process included not only “speakers” making a securitization claim (knowledge claim)
and “audiences” that accept or reject a claim. Importantly, it also included actors who
were instrumental in translating knowledge between research and security sectors. This
brief consideration suggests that social science theories that center on practice are more
robust than those that center on discourse for interpreting the securitization of climate
change. Improved analytic frameworks need to better account for actors whose role is
to transfer and translate knowledge from one sector to another. 相似文献