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Any abstract would ruin the poetic economy ofthis text.
This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
183.
Adam Mahamat 《Canadian journal of African studies》2020,54(2):281-297
RÉSUMÉ Le phénomène Boko Haram au Cameroun est générateur de représentations discriminatoires. Il vient renforcer des clivages et produit de nombreux sociolectes. Des qualificatifs discriminants et négateurs jettent l’opprobre sur autrui, accusé d’être de connivence avec les insurgés. La secte a été considérée comme un complot des gens du Nord, une rébellion armée visant à renverser le pouvoir central de Yaoundé. Le problème a investi la sphère publique. Les prises de paroles montrent bien que le Nord du pays s’est dressé contre le Sud. La situation a ensuite pris les allures d’un conflit interconfessionnel, intraconfessionnel, opposant des musulmans contre des chrétiens. Le renforcement des clivages fait en sorte que les ressortissants du Nord et les populations musulmanes rentrent plus facilement dans la catégorie des usual suspects. Le fait de mettre la “rouelle” au cou du voisin, du compatriote ou du coreligionnaire impacte fatalement sur le vivre-ensemble. 相似文献
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ABSTRACTIntimate partner violence (IPV) continues to be viewed in gendered and heteronormative ways. Stanziani, Cox, and Coffey (2018, Adding insult to injury: Sex, sexual orientation, and juror decision-making in a case of intimate partner violence. Journal of Homosexuality, 65(10), 1325–1350) presented participants with a case of alleged IPV while manipulating the sex and sexual orientation of the aggressor/victim dyad. Results suggested participants view violence perpetrated by a man against a woman most abhorrently. The current study replicated and expanded that study, exploring how gender role beliefs influence participant decision-making. Female participants held more adverse attitudes towards IPV when a male assaulted a female. Further, participant gender role beliefs influenced decision-making. Specifically, males who endorsed higher levels of hegemonic masculinity perceived the crime to be less serious, while females who endorsed the same beliefs perceived the defendant as less likely to benefit from treatment. Overall, results suggest individual beliefs regarding gender roles and masculinity may influence their perceptions of IPV, regardless of the gender and sexual orientation of the aggressor and victim. 相似文献
185.
New currencies designed for user anonymity and privacy – widely referred to as “privacy coins” – have forced governments to listen and legislate, but the political motivations of these currencies are not well understood. Following the growing interest of political brands in different contexts, we provide the first systematic review of political motivations expressed in cryptocurrency whitepapers whose explicit goal is “privacy.” Many privacy coins deliberately position themselves as alternative political brands. Although cryptocurrencies are often closely associated with political philosophies that aim to diminish or subvert the power of governments and banks, advocates of privacy occupy much broader ideological ground. We present thematic trends within the privacy coin literature and identify epistemic and ethical tensions present within the communities of people calling for the adoption of entirely private currencies. 相似文献
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Adam M. Segal 《East Asia》1993,12(2):47-69
Chinese policymakers have increasingly turned their attention to developing high technology. The state has, through a number of central directives, attempted to promote the production and commercialization of high tech products. Yet, the level of Chinese high technology products remains fairly low. This article argues that the state, especially in trying to recrease Silicon Valley in China, has learned the wrong lessons from the West’s experience. In order to promote the development of high tech, the state needs to build up a more adequate science and technology infrastructure and to define and protect property rights. 相似文献
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While effective foreign and national security policy-making increasingly requires research that is produced outside government, little is known about how such research affects the actions of policy-makers, or why it may or may not be policy-relevant to them. This essay poses a number of criteria which can be used to weigh the policy relevance of applied social science research for national security and foreign policy issues. These criteria can be divided into content and process categories, the former including aspects of time, issue salience, format, and confidence; and the latter incorporating questions related to the origin of research, the strategy which informs it, and the tactics by which it is presented. Hopefully, such criteria can be applied to existing works, serve as guidelines for future research, and perhaps illuminate the general role of social knowledge in policy formulation.The authors wish to express their appreciation for the opportunity to participate in the National Security Education Seminar held at Colorado College, Colorado Springs, Colorado, June 18–July13, 1973, directed by Fred A. Sondermann and conducted under the auspices of the National Security Program, New York University, Frank N. Trager, Director. This paper is a revised version of a report originally prepared for the seminar. The views presented here are those of the authors, and not necessarily of any of the institutions with which they are associated. 相似文献