全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1185篇 |
免费 | 52篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 80篇 |
工人农民 | 72篇 |
世界政治 | 108篇 |
外交国际关系 | 44篇 |
法律 | 444篇 |
中国政治 | 6篇 |
政治理论 | 435篇 |
综合类 | 48篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 18篇 |
2019年 | 30篇 |
2018年 | 20篇 |
2017年 | 37篇 |
2016年 | 24篇 |
2015年 | 23篇 |
2014年 | 27篇 |
2013年 | 135篇 |
2012年 | 28篇 |
2011年 | 31篇 |
2010年 | 31篇 |
2009年 | 38篇 |
2008年 | 20篇 |
2007年 | 33篇 |
2006年 | 50篇 |
2005年 | 32篇 |
2004年 | 47篇 |
2003年 | 43篇 |
2002年 | 39篇 |
2001年 | 38篇 |
2000年 | 22篇 |
1999年 | 18篇 |
1998年 | 18篇 |
1997年 | 16篇 |
1996年 | 15篇 |
1995年 | 19篇 |
1994年 | 21篇 |
1993年 | 20篇 |
1992年 | 17篇 |
1991年 | 23篇 |
1990年 | 21篇 |
1989年 | 14篇 |
1988年 | 11篇 |
1987年 | 20篇 |
1986年 | 22篇 |
1985年 | 7篇 |
1984年 | 22篇 |
1983年 | 16篇 |
1982年 | 24篇 |
1981年 | 14篇 |
1980年 | 19篇 |
1979年 | 12篇 |
1978年 | 16篇 |
1977年 | 11篇 |
1976年 | 11篇 |
1975年 | 9篇 |
1974年 | 9篇 |
1973年 | 9篇 |
1970年 | 8篇 |
1968年 | 5篇 |
排序方式: 共有1237条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
991.
Kenneth Newton 《The Political quarterly》2020,91(3):502-513
It is commonly said that the lockdowns and social distancing necessary to control coronavirus pandemics will only work if the general population trusts its government, believes the information it provides, and has confidence in its policies. This article traces the British government’s record in providing information about its policies and performance, and compares this with the public’s use of the mainstream news media. It then considers how these two sources of information affected trust in government and public compliance with social distancing and lockdown rules. Lastly, it compares Covid-19 with Brexit and draws conclusions about how beliefs and behaviour are formed when individuals are personally faced with a serious threat. 相似文献
992.
993.
David M. Adams 《Criminal Law and Philosophy》2016,10(1):17-30
A curious and comparatively neglected element of death penalty jurisprudence in America is my target in this paper. That element concerns the circumstances under which severely mentally disabled persons, incarcerated on death row, may have their sentences carried out. Those circumstances are expressed in a part of the law which turns out to be indefensible. This legal doctrine—competence-for-execution (CFE)—holds that a condemned, death-row inmate may not be killed if, at the time of his scheduled execution, he lacks an awareness of his impending death or the reasons for it. I argue that the law of CFE should be abandoned, along with the notion that it is permissible to kill the deeply disturbed just so long as they meet some narrow test of readiness to die. By adopting CFE, the courts have been forced to give independent conceptual and moral significance to a standard for competence that simply cannot bear the weight placed upon it. To be executable, CFE requires that a condemned prisoner meet a standard demonstrating an awareness of certain facts about his death. Yet this standard both leads to confusing and counter-intuitive results and is unsupported either by the reasons advanced by the courts on its behalf or by any of the standard theoretical justifications of criminal punishment. If executing the profoundly psychotic or delusional is wrong the law needs a better account of the wrong done when prisoners like Ford are killed. I suggest wherein that wrong might be located. 相似文献
994.
995.
996.
997.
Critics of Virginia's challenge to the constitutionality of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act have asserted that Virginia lacked standing to even raise the issue. Such criticism is inconsistent with foundational understandings of the role of states in providing a check on federal power and with the modern standing jurisprudence of the Supreme Court, especially as reflected in the Court's decisions regarding a state's sovereign interest in defending its code of laws. This Article demonstrates that, as a matter of constitutional design and history, as well as under relevant precedents, Virginia clearly had and has standing to bring its challenge. 相似文献
998.
Barry C. Burden David T. Canon Kenneth R. Mayer Donald P. Moynihan 《Public administration review》2012,72(5):741-751
This article argues that administrative burden—that is, an individual's experience of policy implementation as onerous—is an important consideration for administrators and influences their views on policy and governance options. The authors test this proposition in the policy area of election administration using a mixed‐method assessment of local election officials. They find that the perceived administrative burden of policies is associated with a preference to shift responsibilities to others, perceptions of greater flaws and lesser merit in policies that have created the burden (to the point that such judgments are demonstrably wrong), and opposition to related policy innovations. 相似文献
999.
1000.
Asia Europe Journal - The economic, trade, and cultural relations between the European Union (EU) and Hong Kong are widely recognized in the existing literature to be the most beneficial and... 相似文献