全文获取类型
收费全文 | 2526篇 |
免费 | 153篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 232篇 |
工人农民 | 143篇 |
世界政治 | 302篇 |
外交国际关系 | 185篇 |
法律 | 1299篇 |
中国共产党 | 3篇 |
中国政治 | 14篇 |
政治理论 | 477篇 |
综合类 | 24篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 3篇 |
2023年 | 38篇 |
2022年 | 21篇 |
2021年 | 46篇 |
2020年 | 79篇 |
2019年 | 105篇 |
2018年 | 127篇 |
2017年 | 154篇 |
2016年 | 159篇 |
2015年 | 102篇 |
2014年 | 148篇 |
2013年 | 459篇 |
2012年 | 133篇 |
2011年 | 115篇 |
2010年 | 71篇 |
2009年 | 63篇 |
2008年 | 102篇 |
2007年 | 115篇 |
2006年 | 84篇 |
2005年 | 65篇 |
2004年 | 77篇 |
2003年 | 63篇 |
2002年 | 43篇 |
2001年 | 41篇 |
2000年 | 49篇 |
1999年 | 23篇 |
1998年 | 23篇 |
1997年 | 13篇 |
1996年 | 10篇 |
1995年 | 20篇 |
1994年 | 13篇 |
1993年 | 13篇 |
1992年 | 9篇 |
1991年 | 9篇 |
1990年 | 8篇 |
1989年 | 7篇 |
1988年 | 4篇 |
1987年 | 7篇 |
1986年 | 3篇 |
1985年 | 4篇 |
1984年 | 6篇 |
1983年 | 5篇 |
1982年 | 3篇 |
1975年 | 4篇 |
1974年 | 4篇 |
1973年 | 3篇 |
1972年 | 4篇 |
1967年 | 4篇 |
1966年 | 2篇 |
1965年 | 3篇 |
排序方式: 共有2679条查询结果,搜索用时 46 毫秒
51.
This paper presents a theoretical framework and some empirical results showing that the level of foreign aid received reduces the supply of terrorist attacks by recipient countries, as does the recipient country’s level of education. Due account is taken of endogeneity problems in producing these results. They suggest that Western democracies, which are the main targets of terrorist attacks, should invest more funds in foreign aid with a special emphasis on supporting education. 相似文献
52.
René W. Aubourg David H. Good Kerry Krutilla 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2008,27(1):7-19
The environmental Kuznets curve (EKC) hypothesis conjectures a nonlinear relationship between pollution and economic growth, such that pollution per capita initially increases as countries economically develop, but then reaches a maximum point before ultimately declining. Much of the EKC literature has focused on testing this basic hypothesis and, in studies that find evidence of an EKC, estimating the “turning point” level of development at which the per capita pollution‐growth relationship changes sign. This approach has not emphasized the policy relevance of specification issues or the potential role of policy variables. This research explores a modified EKC specification which conditions the pollution‐growth relationship on a country's level of debt and degree of democratization. These variables turn out to be significant, implying that different political and economic contexts can shift EKCs and their turning points. These findings suggest that policies to relieve debt burdens and institute political reform, in addition to their usual justifications, also could be used as a strategy to reduce carbon emissions from developing countries. © 2008 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management. 相似文献
53.
This study seeks to identify what specific kinds of compromises result from IBB, or interest-based bargaining, and what differentiates agreements that are reached using this method from the ones that are negotiated through more traditional forms of collective bargaining. The authors compare the changes to collective agreements in 19 cases that used interest-based bargaining and the changes to agreements in 19 cases that used more traditional forms of negotiation. Their analysis reveals that clauses dealing with joint governance and organizational innovation underwent more changes when the parties adopted the IBB approach. In addition, IBB has given rise to more union concessions. 相似文献
54.
55.
56.
Ben McKay Sérgio Sauer Ben Richardson Roman Herre 《The Journal of peasant studies》2016,43(1):195-223
In the context of rising resource demand, agricultural crops such as sugarcane are being promoted for their multiple uses in different commodity markets and as alternatives to fossil fuel equivalents (i.e. as a source of biofuel, bioelectricity and bioplastic). These commodities are also produced on an increasingly flexible basis, as sugarcane mills respond to price signals and switch between different crop uses. This paper offers a preliminary exploration into the politics of this latest development in the capitalist industrialization of agriculture. It does so by focusing primarily on flexing in Brazil and highlighting the role of the state in both creating markets for non-food products that sugarcane mills can now switch between and managing the tensions that arise from this. These tensions have concerned consumer prices for fuel, control of distribution infrastructure and conditions of land conversion, each prompting political interventions by the state. The paper then suggests how this same process is taking place, albeit shaped by different contexts, in Southern Africa and Cambodia. It concludes with some key questions for further research: is flexing eroding the distinction between crop regimes? How do primary processors decide what their product mix will be? And on what basis do state actors support flexing between agricultural products and investments in so-called bio-refineries? 相似文献
57.
Ane Cristina Figueiredo Pereira de Faria Issa Ibrahim Berchin Jéssica Garcia Silvia Natália Barbosa Back 《Third world quarterly》2016,37(6):975-997
Food production has been changing significantly in recent years as a result of climate change and of growing demand for food. This article aims to understand the link between food security and international security in the context of climate change, applying a systematic and qualitative analysis of the literature using the bibliometric method. This research observes that climate change tends to affect agricultural productivity, exposing societies to risk and the need for migration. However, good governance, together with international cooperation, can reduce the hazards of food insecurity, strengthening ties between countries and stimulating a fairer and more inclusive form of international trade. 相似文献
58.
The Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (RMDSZ) has been the most stable actor in the Romanian party system over the past two decades. However, in this article, we argue that beyond this apparent stability, the linkages between RMDSZ and its voters have undergone a gradual, yet significant shift. The ethnic block voting of Transylvanian Hungarians was closely connected to the concept of a self-standing and parallel “Minority Society,” and to the practices of institution building that the minority elites engaged in in the early 1990s. However, since its first participation in the Romanian government in 1996, RMDSZ has gradually departed from this strategy, a phenomenon that was also closely connected to a process of elite change within the organization. The present RMDSZ leadership puts less and less emphasis on policy programs that could reinforce the institutional system of the minority; consequently, it is unable (and unwilling) to organizationally integrate the community activists of the minority society who previously had played a key role in the process of (electoral) mobilization. At the rhetorical level, RMDSZ did not abandon the goal of building a parallel Hungarian minority society, but in its linkages to the Hungarian electorate, clientelistic exchanges have become predominant. 相似文献
59.
In this article we first point out that the different conceptualisations of Fair Trade, which are sometimes analytically contradictory, actually form a coordinated set. Understanding the Fair Trade project is impossible without taking these interlinked conceptualisations into consideration. Second, this set basically forms a mechanism of structural, institutional and moral reforms that guide actions. In this way Fair Trade sets out to produce less injustice than is usually the case with the structures and institutions that govern conventional trade. Nevertheless, it does not try to define what a just society is or even to perfectly define ‘fair trade’. This implies the adoption of a comparative justice angle. It is precisely by linking comparative individual situations with the structures that produce these situations that relative justice can find its strength and purpose. 相似文献
60.
Studies of Brazil's agricultural labor movement have generally neglected its relationship to the struggle for land, but this is neither fair nor accurate. Analyzing the rural labor movement's historical contributions to the land struggle in Brazil, this contribution has been organized into three main periods, emphasizing social relations, institutional activism and policy changes. It argues that despite the peculiarities of different historical contexts, rural labor consistently provoked protest against policies that privileged large landholders, whose concentration of power over land and labor resources continually worsened Brazil's ranking as one of the most unequal of nations. For more than half a century, the most constant opponent of this situation among the peasantry has been the National Confederation of Workers in Agriculture (CONTAG), a corporatist organization of rural labor unions founded in 1963. 相似文献