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151.
Imran Ahmed 《圆桌》2018,107(3):317-328
Muslim-majority countries often face the question of how to reconcile the place and role of religion within the framework of the nation state and a modern westernised system of constitutional ordering. And few states have wrangled with the politics of constitutionalising religion as profoundly and persistently as the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. This paper argues that insights drawn from Pakistan are pertinent as much for contemporary debates on Islam within many Muslim-majority countries as they are for wider debates on religion and politics in the modern period. It argues that when contemplating the constitutionalisation of Islam and Islamic provisions: the design and jurisdiction of the courts matter; it may be better to achieve a workable political compromise between competing parties on religious matters than to stall or strive for the realisation of some ideal; the constitution should be free of any sectarian bias; and constitution-makers must take more structural matters such as the separation of powers seriously when considering discussions on religion and politics. 相似文献
152.
The Failures of Neo‐Liberal State Building in Iraq: Assessing Australia's Post‐Conflict Reconstruction and Development Initiatives 下载免费PDF全文
This article examines Australia's post‐conflict reconstruction and development initiatives in Iraq following the intervention of 2003. Overall, it finds that Australia privileged the neo‐liberal model of post‐conflict state building by investing in projects that would enhance the capacity of the new Iraqi state, its key institutions and the private sector towards the imposition of a liberal democracy and a free‐market economy. To demonstrate, this article documents the failures of the Australian government's stated aims to “support agriculture” and “support vulnerable populations” via interviews conducted in Iraq with rural farmers and tribal members and those working in, or the beneficiaries of, Iraq's disability sector. It concludes by noting that such failures are not only indicative of the inadequacy of the neo‐liberal state building model, but also that these failures point the way forward for future post‐conflict reconstruction and development projects which ought to be premised on a genuine and sustained commitment to addressing the needs of those made most vulnerable by war and regime change. 相似文献
153.
154.
Abdullahi Ahmed An‐Nacim 《The Modern law review》2010,73(1):1-29
Islamic Law is not now and cannot be the state law of any state, whether Muslims are the majority or minority of the population. This view does not dispute the religious authority of Islamic Law for Muslims, which exists only outside the framework of the state. Still, some principles of Islamic Law should be relevant to the public discourse, provided the argument is made in terms of what the author calls 'civic reason' and not simply by assertions of religious conviction. While the two are different types of normative systems, each based on its own sources of authority and legitimacy, there are possibilities of compatibility and mutual influence between Islamic Law and state law as complementary normative systems, without requiring either to conform to the nature and role of the other. This lecture examines the requirements, scope and dynamics of this dialectic relationship, whether Muslims are majority or minority. 相似文献
155.
Nidhi Gupta Kiran Jadhav B.R. Ahmed Mujib Vikram S. Amberkar 《Forensic Science International Supplement Series》2009,192(1-3):67-71
Enamel in teeth, as documented is the hardest substance in the entire human body. Tooth prints are the enamel rod end patterns on the tooth surface. Could this fact be a boon in utilizing it for an individual's identification in the hands of forensic experts? A study has been attempted towards the same. These tooth prints were recorded for 60 extracted tooth specimens after acid etching using a cellophane tape. Subsequently a digital image of the print was obtained which was subjected to biometric conversion using Verifinger standard SDK version 6.0 software followed by the use of Automated Fingerprint Identification System (AFIS) software for comparison of the tooth prints. In results we observed that tooth prints were composed of varied patterns and sub-patterns. A comparison was made between the tooth prints of different and the same individual and also between different classes of teeth (incisors, canines, premolars and molars). None of the patterns exhibited intra- and inter-individual similarity. Nor did any particular class of the tooth could be preferentially used over the other for an individual identification. This field demands a need for further exploration towards the use of tooth prints for establishing an individual's identity. 相似文献
156.
As countries in Asia work towards achieving development, the state of governance emerged as a benchmark for them. Assessing governance is an important exercise because a country’s image is influenced by its position in world rankings which plays a role in decisions by the international community regarding aid and trade. The methodology adopted in preparing the Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) rankings underlines the preference for some values that are dominant in Western liberal democratic systems. This places Asian states at a disadvantage as other traditional values are ignored in assessing the state of governance. This article examines the methods and criteria of the WGI with reference to the case of Hong Kong. An overview of the critiques of WGI and analysis of the scores awarded to Hong Kong reveal the challenge of assessing governance across countries with the same instrument without taking into consideration the context of the units. The article argues that there is a need for developing alternative criteria for accommodating indigenous institutional structures, processes, and practices to ensure that Asian countries can benefit from the desired values of governance and help overcome the partial picture of governance that emerges in the WGI. 相似文献
157.
Kathy Bickmore Ahmed Salehin Kaderi Ángela Guerra-Sua 《Journal of Peace Education》2017,14(3):282-309
Public education is one influence on how young people learn to navigate social conflicts and to contribute to building democratic peace, including their sense of hope or powerlessness. Social studies curricula, in particular, introduce core concerns, geographies, governance and civil society, and participation skills and norms. History education narratives frame identity, (dis)trust or peaceful coexistence, and provide exemplars of how social conflicts and injustice have been handled in the past. To shed light on these peacebuilding and peace-blocking choices, this paper examines government-sanctioned social studies and history curricula in contrasting contexts of violent conflict and peace: Bangladesh, Colombia, México, and (Ontario) Canada. Our comparative analysis shows how these official curricula (de)normalize violence and militarism, present national identities as hegemonic/exclusive or plural/inclusive, and create opportunities for teaching/learning peacebuilding citizenship competencies such as conflict dialog, human rights awareness, and engagement in collective processes of civil society and governance. 相似文献
158.
159.
Olga Skarlato Sean Byrne Kawser Ahmed Peter Karari 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2016,29(2):157-182
The International Fund for Ireland and the European Union (EU) Peace III Fund have provided external economic resources to local community projects in Northern Ireland and the Border region to support intercommunal relations, community development, economic development, peacebuilding and reconciliation. The British and Irish governments, the EU, and the USA see the economic aid as their commitment to support the peace process, nurture the local voluntary sector, and build the peace dividend. The research findings demonstrate that the reality on the ground is more complex. Some believe that the economic assistance has created employment opportunities, built capacity, and localized peacebuilding knowledge. Others are more sceptical and perceive that the aid has created dependency, facilitated a competitive milieu, and has not transformed relationships in a sectarian environment. 相似文献
160.
We investigate the optimal size of a nation in the context of a portfolio choice model under uncertainty. With an equal sharing rule, we characterize the equilibrium coalition structure, which is shown to depend on income, risks, and market correlations. Specifically, coalitions are likely to form among regions with similar variance in income and among regions with negative market correlations. The conditions that yield a grand coalition, two sub-coalitions of different sizes, and singletons are derived. Moreover, the equilibrium coalition structures are also examined when geographical contiguity is required. 相似文献