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21.
Duffy and ABO blood group genetic polymorphisms were studied by minisequencing analysis of single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) at nucleotide positions--33, 125, 265, and 298 of the Duffy gene and at nucleotide positions-261, 297, 467, 646, and 703 of the ABO gene. In an Italian population sample, we found four alleles and seven genotypes for the Duffy and six alleles and 16 genotypes for the ABO systems. The lower limit for reproducible results was 200 pg DNA, with a range of up to 10 ng and an optimum at 1 ng. All of the 16 analyzed inclusive paternity tests were also consistent with parentage and two out of four inconsistencies with parentage cases were excluded by one or more SNPs. Although Duffy and ABO SNP typing show lower informativeness than most current forensic tests, their robustness, the limited population distribution of FY* Fy type, and the sensitivity of the minisequencing technology suggest that these markers can be useful in selected forensic applications.  相似文献   
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Single-nucleotide polymorphisms of Y chromosome (Y-SNPs) are a class of markers of interest in forensic investigations, because many of them show regional specificity, providing useful information about the geographic origin of a subject or evidence under investigation. A first multiplex with 7 SNPs (M35, M89, M9, M170, M172, M45, M173), which occur in the basal branches of the phylogenetic tree and are able to assign a subject to known most frequent European haplogroups, was designed. SNP genotyping was accomplished by hot-start PCR with primers amplifying fragments between 96 and 136 nucleotides, minisequencing, and capillary electrophoresis of extension products. Ninety seven subjects of known geographic provenance were studied, of which 68 from Europe. Of these, 57 had mutations found more frequently in European haplogroups and 11 more frequent in Asian populations. Subjects from non-European countries were also examined and had haplogroups common in their regions of provenance. Experiments with low molecular weight DNA gave positive amplification from 1 ng of DNA for all seven SNPs.  相似文献   
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The article shows how and why, after having agreed upon a programme for democracy assistance under the name of European Initiative for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR), the EU fell short of its original objectives in programme implementation. This is demonstrated by close analysis of microprojects in Mediterranean countries. The scope of EU action shrank as priorities for action were defined and projects approved. As a consequence, the EU has promoted democracy less than human rights, in relatively less demanding countries, and without spending all the budgeted money. This article shows how these findings are consistent with important themes in Policy analysis and implementation research, and thus supplements other explanations of EU shortcomings. EU democracy assistance, as represented by the EIDHR, is an ambiguous and contested policy, which also suffers from an institutional setting characterized by a long chain of command. This means that there are opportunities for small decisions to gradually shift the focus and downsize the relevance of the policy initiative. The EU is thus unintentionally undermining its own policy goals, as the large number of actors interpret the EU's best interest (and their own position in relation to it) in various and divergent ways.  相似文献   
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This research investigates whether political, social and economic characteristics of local communities are related to data sharing between city departments and businesses and nonprofit organizations. Research about data sharing typically emphasizes managerial, organizational and technological factors in departments, largely neglecting community characteristics. The willingness to share data depends on the relationships between the government and external stakeholders, and these relationships are shaped by the political, social and economic characteristics of local communities. Using data from a 2016 survey of 2,500 department heads in 500 US cities with populations between 25,000 and 250,000, we find that data sharing increases in cities where communities are politically engaged, hold Democratic preferences, and there are higher rates of public sector employment and economic inequality. Data sharing is less likely to occur in communities with higher education and more nonprofit associations.  相似文献   
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Open government data (OGD) are critical for environmental justice (EJ) policymaking, which is characterized by power and information asymmetries across government agencies, affected populations, and advocacy groups. We contend that not only should state governments provide OGD but also they should remove the burden associated with data access and use it to address the data divide and facilitate the participation of vulnerable populations in policymaking. Applying a user-oriented approach, this article evaluates the completeness, usability, and accessibility of EJ-OGD initiatives across the 50 US states. Results show that only one out of five states achieves at least half points on our EJ-OGD Implementation Score, suggesting that most states do not provide OGD to answer two core EJ questions: “To what extent is my community exposed to environmental harm and health hazards? Is the exposure disproportionately high given my community's socioeconomic characteristics?” We discuss implications for equity and next steps for the government.  相似文献   
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