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311.
Recent decades have seen an upsurge in interest in patriotism among progressive intellectuals and within progressive politics, while recent manifestations of black politics in the era of President Barack Obama have utilized patriotic narratives. We question this turn to patriotism on the grounds that it is a questionable manner in which to pursue racial justice in our post-Civil Rights political landscape. Patriotic appeals to civic virtue always invoke or imply the anti-patriot who lacks that virtue and is therefore less capable of exercising exemplary citizenship. This idea of the anti-patriot, however, easily coalesces with and buttresses the language of cultural pathology used historically to argue that African-Americans are deficient in civic virtue and key for reproducing racial inequality. The idea of the anti-patriot could thus provide another vocabulary for displacing responsibility for addressing racial inequality away from white Americans and onto black Americans. After illuminating this dynamic at work in some of the most successful African-American patriotic thinkers—Frederick Douglass, Martin Luther King, Jr., and Barack Obama—we conclude by arguing that those concerned with racial justice should reject patriotism in favor of three alternative traditions in African-American political thought: self-examination, prophecy, and rage. 相似文献
312.
The Australian Experience of Municipal Amalgamation: Asking the Citizenry and Exploring the Implications
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Roberta Ryan Catherine Hastings Bligh Grant Alex Lawrie Éidín Ní Shé Liana Wortley 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2016,75(3):373-390
Debate over municipal amalgamations in Australian continues to dominate local government reform agendas, with the putative need to achieve economies of scale and scope consistently set against anti‐amalgamation arguments designed to preserve extant communities. Following from an examination of recent episodes of consolidation in Australia, this paper reports on citizens' attitudes to amalgamation garnered from a national survey of 2,006 individuals. We found that generally, citizens are ambivalent toward amalgamation, although attitudes were influenced by particular demographic characteristics and attitudes to representation, belonging, service delivery requirements and the costs thereof. The results suggest that, away from the local government sector itself, structural reform may not be the vexatious issue it is often portrayed as. The implications of this are explored here. 相似文献
313.
314.
Tomislav V. Kovandzic Mark E. Schaffer Lynne M. Vieraitis Erin A. Orrick Alex R. Piquero 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》2016,32(1):133-158
Objectives
A key question in the general deterrence literature has been the extent to which the police reduce crime. Definitive answers to this statement, however, are difficult to come by because while more police may reduce crime, higher crime rates may also increase police levels, by triggering the hiring of more police. One way to help overcome this problem is through the use of instrumental variables (IV). Levitt, for example, has employed instrumental variables regression procedures, using mayoral and gubernatorial election cycles and firefighter hiring as instruments for police strength, to address the potential endogeneity of police levels in structural equations of crime due to simultaneity bias.Methods
We assess the validity and reliability of the instruments used by Levitt for police hiring using recently-developed specification tests for instruments. We apply these tests to both Levitt’s original panel dataset of 59 US cities covering the period 1970–1992 and an extended version of the panel with data through 2008.Results
Results indicate that election cycles and firefighter hiring are “weak instruments”—weak predictors of police growth that, if used as instruments in an IV estimation, are prone to result in an unreliable estimate of the impact of police levels on crime.Conclusions
Levitt’s preferred instruments for police levels—mayoral and gubernatorial election cycles and firefighter hiring—are weak instruments by current econometric standards and thus cannot be used to address the potential endogeneity of police in crime equations.315.
Alex Matheson 《公共行政管理与发展》1998,18(4):349-363
This article describes the evolution of New Zealand's approach to the strategic direction of its public service during a decade of reform. Problems of atomization and short-termism which emerged from the first phase of reform were addressed through the adaptation of the Cabinet and central agency processes for policy, budget and management. © 1998 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
316.
The worldwide expansion in the use of private firms to deliver public services and infrastructure has promoted a substantial literature on public sector contract and relationship management. This literature is currently dominated by the notion that supplier relationships should be based upon trust. Less prominent are more sceptical approaches that emphasize the need to assiduously manage potential supplier exploitation and opportunism. This article addresses this imbalance by focusing upon the recent experience of the English National Health Service (NHS) in its dealings with its nursing agencies. Between 1997 and 2001, the NHS was subjected to considerable exploitation and opportunism. This forced managers to adopt a supply strategy based upon an assiduous use of e-auctions, framework agreements and quality audits. The article assesses the effectiveness of this strategy and reflects upon whether a more defensive approach to contract and relationship management offers a viable alternative to one based upon trust. 相似文献
317.
Alex Statiev 《欧亚研究》2010,62(5):721-747
This article compares German and Soviet ideas behind raising penal units on the Eastern Front during World War II and their employment in combat, but focuses on Soviet practice. In an attempt to tighten discipline in the Red Army, Stalin adopted the basic draconian measures used by Leon Trotsky, his most bitter rival, during the Civil War of 1918–1922 but he considerably intensified the scale and scope of repressions thus elevating the brutality on the Eastern Front to new heights.
U strafnikov odin zakon, odin konets:
Koli, rubi fashistskogo brodyagu!
I esli ne poimaesh v grud’ svinets,
Medal’ na grud’ poimaesh ‘Za otvagu’.
[Penal soldiers know only one law:
Kill the fascist bastard!
And if you remain alive,
You will get a medal ‘For Valour’.]
(Vladimir Vysotsky, Shtrafnye batal'ony[Penal Battalions])