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821.
Alexander H. Joffe 《Crime, Law and Social Change》1999,32(4):325-346
Intelligence agencies from a remarkable institutional constant in most societies. They are frequently reformed but almost never dismantled, since their capabilities, personnel, and knowledge are simultaneously too vital and too threatening to successor regimes. Several case studies are reviewed which demonstrate the tenacity of personnel, bureaucratic structures, and institutional culture. The problem of dismantling intelligence agencies will confront both successor regimes to failed states and the West, and it left unaddressed will almost certainly undermine efforts at democratization. The problems are especially acute when considering totalitarian regimes such as Iraq. Carefully planning, debate over ethical and legal questions, and changes in institutional and public culture are all necessary. 相似文献
822.
823.
Iwan Barankay Pascal Sciarini Alexander H. Trechsel 《Swiss Political Science Review》2003,9(1):169-199
Despite the growing interest in direct democratic institutions—like referendums and popular initiatives—the empirical evidence on the relationship between institutional openness and use is still sparse. We use a novel data set on the institutional openness and test its link to actual voting behaviour for ballots in the Swiss cantons for the period 1970‐1996. We find no robust relationship between the number of cantonal ballots and openness, measured by the number of signatures necessary to force a ballot and the time limit within which they have to be gathered. We observe, however, that openness is negatively related with voter participation. Having to gather more signatures apparently increases the awareness in the population at large, creates more information about the issues at hand, and thus induces more voters to turn out. 相似文献
824.
The U.S. Supreme Court has held that state sovereignty is protectedby principles of common law rather than explicit constitutionalguarantees under the Tenth and Eleventh Amendments. The Courthas also cautioned that congressional actions, even under delegatedpowers, may not threaten the integrity of states as sovereignentities in the federal system. The National League of Citiesdecision in 1976 appeared to reverse this doctrine by implyingthe existence of Tenth Amendment protections of state actionsin traditional functional areas. However, the federal courtsdiscounted the NLC ruling as a compelling precedent in subsequentfederalism cases because of its vagueness and its fundamentalinconsistency with established doctrine. In 1985, the SupremeCourt overturned the ruling in Garcia v. San Antonio, reaffirmingthe common law nature of state sovereignty and arguing thatconstitutional protection of state interests lies primarilyin the representative structure of the federal system ratherthan in specific constitutional guarantees. 相似文献
825.
Alexander Nachman 《British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies》2020,47(3):482-496
ABSTRACT Despite attention to Khomeini’s Guardianship of the Jurist (1970) and to Sunni iterations of ma?la?a, there is a dearth of Western scholarship on what Iranian scholars and journalists recognize as indispensable to governance in the Islamic Republic. With a comparative approach to modern perceptions of ma?la?a from inside and outside Iran, this article reveals a new perspective on how the outcome of debates in the earliest years of the Islamic Republic between the parliament and the Guardian Council went against the grain of traditional discussions on reconciling new laws with the shari‘a’s principles. Using academic literature, Sunni and Shi‘i jurisprudence, and, most significantly, one of Ayatullah Hashemi Rafsanjani’s (d. 2017) final interviews, this article shows that in these debates, Rafsanjani invoked the welfare of the state and national interest using the traditionally legal and limited concept of ma?la?a to justify new laws. Khomeini, on the other hand, re-imagined ma?la?a as necessary for Islamic Republic’s existence. Curiously, Khomeini’s re-imagining bears unexpected parallels with Jacques Derrida’s ‘supplement’, which, unlike ma?la?a, maintained human existence while the latter maintained political existence. Both ma?la?a and the supplement, however, provide a means and explanation for the defence of political and human existence during a real or perceived crisis. 相似文献
826.
Alexander Dawoody 《美中公共管理》2010,(11):1-15
This paper compares the educational system in the United States with those in two other countries. One is Sweden, a developed country that enjoys peace and social tranquility; the other is Iraq, a developing country that is torn by wars and tyrannical political systems. Based on such comparison and while acknowledging historic differences between the three countries, this paper will identify "cost of education" as a major causal agent in producing two social groups. The first group is a small, elitist cluster emerging as the leading force in all aspects of society and governance; the second group is a larger under-educated cluster, suffering from insufficient resources and forced into marginalization as voiceless, non-productive, non-competitive and expendable segment in society while plagued by poverty, or under unemployment, crime and economic hardship. In recognizing the limitation of access to education by the second group as the primary causal element in such disparity, this paper recommends "free access to quality education" as a fundamental right for all Americans and as an equalizer in correcting the American regime values in order to remain competitive in challenging. 相似文献
827.
828.
Alexander Horstmann 《Asia Europe Journal》2008,6(1):57-67
This article analyzes ways of approaching peace building and peace negotiations in Patani. Choosing an anthropological approach,
the article argues that participant observation helps identify indigenous, local peace instruments. Hence, the design of local
sovereignty is the most important step to durable peace in internal conflicts. The Surayud government has identified the recommendations
of the National Reconciliation Commission as guide-posts and has praised the peace agreement in Aceh as model to emulate.
There is an opening for peace talks, in which the solution to historical and cultural grievances will be a key to peace. 相似文献
829.
830.
Alexander N. Yarmysh 《Trends in Organized Crime》2001,6(3-4):143-149
Ukrainian organized crime operates like any social group existing in relation to other institutions in society. The specifics
of criminal group behavior in Ukraine are governed by strict norms and standards which have developed over many decades. The
'thieves idea,' promoting brotherhood and superiority among members of criminal groups, was cultivated by convicts and peasants
as far back as pre-Soviet Ukraine. The infrastructure of these groups, their organization and leadership, and methods for
criminal activities are all determined by customs and rules unique to Ukraine. Using statistical analysis, a case study of
one organized criminal group, and collective interviews with various law enforcement officials, this study attempts to determine
the prevalence of traditions and the nature of group dynamics in organized crime. 相似文献