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841.
Alexander Ovodenko 《安全研究》2013,22(2):254-286
During the fall of 1950, many American national security officials concluded that the Chinese Communists would refrain from undertaking full-scale intervention in the Korean War. Contrary to most secondary accounts, however, officials who doubted that Communist China would intervene nonetheless drew increasingly worrisome signs from incoming verbal threats and intelligence signals. A small minority of officials in the State Department expressed considerable concern over the dangers of having United Nations forces cross into North Korea and approach the Yalu River. This growing concern and the minority of opposing voices, however, did not override the prevailing judgment—held by hawkish members of the State Department and the CIA as a whole—that China would more likely increase covert involvement in the Korean War, but would not undertake full-scale military intervention. Theories of biased assimilation and risk-taking practices have divergent success in predicting American reactions to the threat. Only further archival research can shed light on how this case of American strategic surprise comports with these theories. 相似文献
842.
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845.
Alexander Dawoody 《美中公共管理》2010,(11):1-15
This paper compares the educational system in the United States with those in two other countries. One is Sweden, a developed country that enjoys peace and social tranquility; the other is Iraq, a developing country that is torn by wars and tyrannical political systems. Based on such comparison and while acknowledging historic differences between the three countries, this paper will identify "cost of education" as a major causal agent in producing two social groups. The first group is a small, elitist cluster emerging as the leading force in all aspects of society and governance; the second group is a larger under-educated cluster, suffering from insufficient resources and forced into marginalization as voiceless, non-productive, non-competitive and expendable segment in society while plagued by poverty, or under unemployment, crime and economic hardship. In recognizing the limitation of access to education by the second group as the primary causal element in such disparity, this paper recommends "free access to quality education" as a fundamental right for all Americans and as an equalizer in correcting the American regime values in order to remain competitive in challenging. 相似文献
846.
847.
Alexander Horstmann 《Asia Europe Journal》2008,6(1):57-67
This article analyzes ways of approaching peace building and peace negotiations in Patani. Choosing an anthropological approach,
the article argues that participant observation helps identify indigenous, local peace instruments. Hence, the design of local
sovereignty is the most important step to durable peace in internal conflicts. The Surayud government has identified the recommendations
of the National Reconciliation Commission as guide-posts and has praised the peace agreement in Aceh as model to emulate.
There is an opening for peace talks, in which the solution to historical and cultural grievances will be a key to peace. 相似文献
848.
Alexander Nikolaevich Panov 《Asia-Pacific Review》1999,6(1):25-34
Today, bilateral relations between Russia and Japan are at an important historical stage, says Alexander Nikolaevich Panov, Ambassador of the Russian Federation to Japan. There is a “window of opportunity” to establish a new Russian‐Japanese relationship in the twenty‐first century. The only issue that now awaits resolution is the legal settlement of territorial delimitation. This outstanding issue provides the basis for Russia's proposal to incorporate an agreement concerning territorial demarcation into the treaty on peace, friendship, and cooperation. It is in the interests of both nations to preserve, strengthen, and broaden their bilateral relations and to revitalize and enhance their cooperation in all areas 相似文献
849.
850.
Alexander Lukin 《East Asia》1999,17(1):5-39
Views of China in today's Russia are characterized by great diversity. There are those who stand for strengthening ties with
China to counterbalance the West; those who prefer Russia balancing between various power centers; and those who fear China
as a growing geopolitical rival with a potential of expanding at the expense of Russian territory. Russia's government for
the foreseeable future can be expected to advocate closer ties with China. However, the real question now is not whether a
future Russian leadership will advocate a more hostile or more friendly course toward China, but if it will be able to support
its wishes (whatever they may be) with the real resources necessary to pursue any consistent policy.
Alexander Lukin received his first degree from the Moscow State Institute of Foreign Relations and a doctorate from Oxford
University. He worked at the Soviet Foreign Ministry, Soviet Embassy to the PRC, and the Institute of Oriental Studies of
the Soviet Academy of Sciences. From 1990 to 1993 he was an elected deputy of the Moscow City Soviet (Council), where he chaired
the Sub-Committee for Inter-Regional Relations. He is the author of Russian Democrats: A Study in Political Culture (to be published by Oxford University Press in 1999) and numerous articles on Russian and Chinese politics and Russian-Chinese
relations which have been published in Russia, the PRC, the U.S., the UK, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. In 1997/1998 he was a visiting
research fellow at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard University. He is currently a research
fellow at the Center for International Studies of the Moscow Institute of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Foreign Ministry
(MGIMO-University) and an Associate in Research at the Fairbank Center for East Asian Research at Harvard University. 相似文献