Expertise and Bias in Political Communication Networks

Citizens minimize information costs by obtaining political guidance from others who have already assumed the costs of acquiring and processing political information. A problem occurs because ideal informants, typically characterized by the joint presence of political expertise and shared viewpoints, are frequently unavailable or rare within the groups where individuals are located. Hence, individuals must often look beyond their own group boundaries to find such informants. The problem is that obtaining information from individuals located beyond their own groups produces additional costs. Moreover, the availability of ideal informants varies across groups and settings, with the potential to produce (1) context‐dependent patterns of informant centrality, which in turn generate (2) varying levels of polarization among groups and (3) biases in favor of some groups at the expense of others. The article's analysis is based on a series of small‐group experiments, with aggregate implications addressed using a simple agent‐based model.     

Indonesia and bilateral trade agreements (BTAs)

Abstract

This paper analyses the perspectives of Indonesian state and non-state actors towards their country's increasing tendency to use bilateral trade agreements (BTAs) as part of its foreign economic policy. Unlike the other original members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Indonesian government has been rather slow in pursuing a BTA policy with non-ASEAN member countries. Nevertheless, due to the proliferation of BTAs in other ASEAN countries' foreign economic policies, it was inevitable that Indonesia would pursue similar agreements with its non-ASEAN major trading partners. Despite this, it remains questionable whether Indonesia's participation in such trade agreements will produce such positive results for Indonesian economy. The attitude of the majority of Indonesian domestic constituents to date remains sceptical to this type of agreement. This is not only because BTAs create specific obligations on a range of issues, from trade and investment regimes, this trade strategy also involves deeper and more comprehensive commitments that those agreed at the multilateral level.     

Crossing Boundaries: Action Networks,Amalgamation and Inter-Community Trust in a Small Rural Shire

Local government reforms introduced throughout the mid-1990s radically altered the face, institutional form and structure of local government in the state of Victoria, Australia. In rural areas, where shire boundaries often reflected deeply ingrained notions of communal interest and identity, the forced merger of previously independent and fiercely parochial councils into larger unified political and administrative units was particularly contentious. Drawing on a survey of 649 residents from the rural Shire of Buloke, this paper examines attitudes towards local government amalgamation, levels of inter-community trust and reciprocity, and how these vary across different parts of the municipality. Social network analysis is then used to explore the relationship between these attitudes and trust levels and the structure and orientation of respondents’ inter-community networks. The paper finds that despite the passage of more than a decade, significant residual resentment surrounding the impact of the forced amalgamations remains evident across most communities in Buloke Shire. There is a widespread perception that the reforms have undermined rather than improved the operation of local government across the municipality, and that post-amalgamation political structures have largely failed to effectively reconcile the diverse and sometimes disparate interests of Buloke's constituent towns and communities. The network analysis also suggests that much work remains to be done to develop a meaningful sense of community based on the new administrative boundaries, with very little evidence of cross-community cooperation, coalition building or issue-based interaction detected.     

Assessing food insecurity in Botswana: the case of Gaborone

The search for appropriate tools to assess food and nutrition insecurity is a major preoccupation for development practitioners. This paper explores the potential of complementing a mainstream measure of food security, the Household Dietary Diversity Score (HDDS), with a political ecology approach, using a case study from Gaborone, Botswana. HDDS exposes differential food access, illustrated by varying household dietary diversity scores and commonly accessed food groups, while a political ecology approach helps explains how and why households lack access to certain food groups. HDDS enriched with political ecology analysis will provide more useful conclusions to practitioners and policymakers.

L'évaluation de l'insécurité de l'alimentation au Botswana : le cas de Gaborone

La recherche d'outils appropriés à l'évaluation de l'insécurité de l'alimentation et de la nutrition est pour les praticiens du développement une préoccupation majeure. Moyennant une étude de cas de Gaborone au Botswana cet article examine le potentiel d'une liaison entre une méthode traditionnelle pour mesurer la sécurité de l'alimentation, HDDS (Taux de Diversité de Diététique Familiale) avec une démarche basée sur l'écologie politique. HDDS expose l'accès différentiel à l'alimentation, illustré par les taux variables des diététiques familiales et par la fréquence d'accès aux groupes nutritionnels. Le HDDS, enrichi par une analyse de l'écologie politique, fournira des conclusions plus utiles pour les praticiens et pour les décideurs.

Evaluando la inseguridad alimentaria en Botsuana: el caso de Gaborone

La búsqueda de métodos apropiados para evaluar la inseguridad alimentaria y la nutrición constituye una preocupación importante entre los operadores de desarrollo. A partir de un caso de Gaborone, Botsuana, el presente artículo examina el potencial de complementar la Calificación de Diversidad en la Dieta del Hogar (cddh), medida común de seguridad alimentaria, con un enfoque de ecología política. Mientras la cddh revela la existencia de un acceso diferenciado a los alimentos, lo cual es evidenciado por las distintas calificaciones de diversidad en la dieta y por los grupos de alimentos que comúnmente se adquieren, el enfoque de ecología política ayuda a explicar cómo y por qué los hogares no tienen acceso a ciertos grupos de alimentos. Por lo que, en combinación con un análisis de ecología política, la cddh arrojará conclusiones que resulten de mayor utilidad para los operadores y los formuladores de políticas en este sentido.

Avaliando a insegurança alimentar em Botsuana: o caso de Gaborone

A busca por ferramentas adequadas para avaliar a insegurança alimentar e nutricional é uma grande preocupação para os que atuam da área de desenvolvimento. Este artigo explora o potencial de se complementar uma medida convencional da insegurança alimentar, a Pontuação da Diversidade Alimentar da Família (Household Dietary Diversity Score - HDDS), com uma abordagem de ecologia política, utilizando um estudo de caso de Gaborone, Botsuana. A HDDS mostra um acesso a alimentos diferente, ilustrado por pontuações variáveis da diversidade alimentar da família e grupos de alimentos comumente acessados, enquanto uma abordagem de ecologia política ajuda a explicar como e por que as famílias não têm acesso a certos grupos de alimentos. A HDDS, enriquecida por uma análise de ecologia política, oferecerá conclusões mais úteis para atuantes da área prática e formuladores de políticas.     

International Socialization in Difficult Environments: The Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe in Central Asia

This article explores the potential of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to be an agent of socialization in the five Central Asian Republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. In drawing on both rationalist and constructivist approaches to international socialization it is argued that the organization's inability to provide tangible material and political incentives as well as Central Asia's indigenous culture and institutions impede successful socialization dynamics. Moreover, the power-oriented elites consider the bulk of the OSCE activities to be a threat to their grasp on power, not only making socialization almost impossible but also making OSCE–Central Asian cooperation increasingly difficult to sustain. Recommendations to increase the OSCE's influence in the region concentrate on a better understanding of the cost-benefit calculation of Central Asian governments as well as a more responsive attitude to traditional institutions in the OSCE's approach toward the region.     

The Russian mafia: Expulsion of law

The purpose of this paper will be to determine whether the conditions that exist in present‐day Russia are congruent with Foucault's claim that power in modern societies is not ensured by law and punishment but by normalization and control, which go beyond the state and its apparatuses, and that law plays an increasingly subordinate role within contemporary disciplinary society. I will also see what conclusions can be drawn from the Russian‐Soviet case that are relevant to evaluating the paradigms supplied by Foucault in deciphering the modalities of power in the modern world. In what sense can he help us understand how discipline and law in Imperial and Soviet Russia created the necessary conditions for the emergence of the Russian Mafia? Law has been transformed in the hands of the Russian Mafia and has expanded its spheres of influence rather than being displaced. The conditions that exist in present‐day Russia can be applied to Foucault's claim that power in modern societies is not ensured by law and punishment but by normalization and control which go beyond the state and its apparatuses. But it is not the case that law plays an increasingly subordinate role in present‐day Russia. Rather, it is no longer controlled by the sovereign power of the monarchy or by the Soviet state and its apparatuses, but is now predominately controlled by the Russian Mafia.     

RNA cell typing and DNA profiling of mixed samples: Can cell types and donors be associated?

Forensic samples regularly involve mixtures, which are readily recognised in forensic analyses. Combined DNA and mRNA profiling is an upcoming forensic practice to examine donors and cell types from the exact same sample. From DNA profiles individual genotypes may be deconvoluted, but to date no studies have established whether the cell types identified in corresponding RNA profiles can be associated with individual donors. Although RNA expression levels hold many variables from which an association may not be expected, proof of concept is important to forensic experts who may be cross examined about this possible correlation in court settings. Clearly, the gender-specificity of certain body fluids (semen, vaginal mucosa, menstrual secretion) can be instructive. However, when donors of the same gender or gender-neutral cell types are involved, alternatives are needed. Here we analyse basic two-component mixtures (two cell types provided by different donors) composed of six different cell types, and assess whether the heights of DNA and RNA peaks may guide association of donor and cell type. Divergent results were obtained; for some mixtures RNA peak heights followed the DNA results, but for others the major DNA component did not present higher RNA peaks. Also, variation in mixture ratios was observed for RNA profiling replicates and when different donor couples gave the same two body fluids. As sample degradation may affect the two nucleic acids and/or distinct cell types differently (and thus influence donor and cell type association), mixtures were subjected to elevated temperature or UV-light. Variation in DNA and RNA stability was observed both between and within cell types and depended on the method inducing degradation. Taken together, we discourage to associate cell types and donors from peak heights when performing RNA and DNA profiling.     

Signaling and Counter‐Signaling in the Judicial Hierarchy: An Empirical Analysis of En Banc Review

We leverage the institutional features of American courts to evaluate the importance of whistleblowers in hierarchical oversight. Drawing on a formal theory of signaling in the judicial hierarchy, we examine the role of whistleblowing dissents in triggering en banc review of three‐judge panels by full circuits of the Courts of Appeals. The theory generates predictions about how dissent interacts with judicial preferences to influence circuits' review and reversal decisions, which we test using original and existing data. First, we show that judges who dissent counter to their preferences are more likely to see their dissents lead to review and reversal. Second, we show that dissents are most influential when the likelihood of non‐compliance by a three‐judge panel is highest. Our results underscore the importance of dissent in the judicial hierarchy and illustrate how judicial whistleblowers can help appellate courts target the most important cases for review.     

Is Voting Habit Forming? New Evidence from Experiments and Regression Discontinuities

Field experiments and regression discontinuity designs test whether voting is habit forming by examining whether a random shock to turnout in one election affects participation in subsequent elections. We contribute to this literature by offering a vast amount of new statistical evidence on the long‐term consequences of random and quasi‐random inducements to vote. The behavior of millions of voters confirms the persistence of voter turnout and calls attention to theoretically meaningful nuances in the development and expression of voting habits. We suggest that individuals become habituated to voting in particular types of elections. The degree of persistence appears to vary by electoral context and by the attributes of those who comply with an initial inducement to vote.