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41.
John L. Scherer 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(4):351-365
Abstract This essay analyzes East European operations in the conspiracy to kill Pope John Paul II on May 13, 1981. It describes the seemingly irrational, unexplained behavior of Mehmet Ali Agca and Bulgarians in Rome who allegedly carried out the conspiracy. It finally resolves with a surprise twist the inconsistencies in East European planning and operations. 相似文献
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F. M. Scherer 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(2):224-236
Drawing upon East German Stasi archives, this article presents the story of Horst Hesse's penetration as a double agent into a US Military Intelligence office in Würzburg, Germany during 1955 and 1956. While military personnel were celebrating a German holiday, Hesse broke into the office with two accomplices and absconded with two safes containing the names of MI agents in East Germany. Many were arrested and some were sentenced. The account provides important positive and negative lessons for intelligence tradecraft. 相似文献
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Journal of Indian Philosophy - 相似文献
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Francisco J. Garcimartín Alférez 《European Journal of Law and Economics》1999,8(3):251-270
This article analyzes the regulatory competition model (RCM) from a private international law perspective. This perspective helps us identify and resolve two gaps in the standard explanation of the RCM. According to the standard explanation, two conditions must be fulfilled for the market of legal products to function well: (1) free movement of resources (persons, capital, and goods); (2) the absences of cross-border externalities. In relation to this second condition, the standard model argues that a uniform material rule is necessary to overcome cross-border externalities. The main thesis of this article is that a private international law approach can complete this model by adding two ideas. First, a smooth functioning of the market-of-legal products requires, not only the free movement of resources, but also a uniform private international law system which guarantees the autonomy of the parties (free choice of law) and the procedural implementation of this autonomy (free choice of forum and free movement of judgments). And second, a uniform material law, which wipes out the regulatory market, is not essential to deal with the externality problem; rather a uniform conflict-of-laws rule, which leads to the internalization of cross-border externalities by states, can correct at least some of the externalities problem and also maintains the regulatory market. 相似文献
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Alf Gunvald Nilsen 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2016,29(3):269-287
This article engages with radical critiques of the Eurocentric grammar of development discourses. I start from a position of considerable sympathy with their appreciation of the discursive dimensions of power that attach to the idiom of development and their solidarity with the oppositional projects of subaltern groups. However, this sympathy combines with a considerable degree of disagreement in terms of how the discursive power of development is understood and how the dynamics of popular resistance are theorised. As an alternative to the relatively crude postulation of development as a discursive regime that enables the West to exercise power over the Rest, I develop an argument that emphasises the multivalent character of the idiom of development and trace this multivalence to situated contestations that take place between opposing political projects that strive to shape the form and direction of social change in specific ways. Furthermore, I will argue that this contentious dynamic becomes particularly evident in those world-historical conjunctures when subaltern groups mobilize around social movement projects that destabilise hegemonic power relations in the capitalist world-system. To illustrate this point, I will provide a broad-brushed outline of three distinct ‘development regimes’ that have shaped North–South relations from the late nineteenth to the early twenty-first century and discuss the ways in which these regimes have been destabilised by the articulation of oppositional meanings of development articulated from below by progressive social movement projects. Finally, I draw on my own fieldwork experiences to reflect on how critical scholars can engage with movement projects that challenge the dominant directions and meanings of development in ways that can contribute to democratic deliberations within social movements. 相似文献
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ABSTRACTThis study examined the factors that influence support for campus carry laws among a sample of approximately 2,700 faculty/administrators, staff, and students at a large, public university in Georgia. Although previous research suggests that support for campus carry may differ across groups on campus, there have been no studies that have examined why these differences may exist. In order to shed light on this understudied issue, this study estimated the extent of support for campus carry and examined if the predictors of support varied across campus populations. Results indicated that there were differences in the proportion of each group that supported campus carry with students (57%) reporting a higher level of support than staff (39%) and faculty/administrators (19%). Further, results from multivariate analyses indicated that there are some differences in the factors that predict support for campus carry for faculty/administrators compared to staff and students. 相似文献