奥巴马政府"巧实力"外交政策评析

奥巴马政府就职后逐步实施了巧实力外交政策。巧实力外交政策既是出于对布什政府饱受争议的外交政策的反思,也是基于美国国内状况和国际局势的综合考量。从目前情况看,修补布什政府时期的外交创伤、提升美国软实力、倚重多边主义,在自身实力相对下降的背景下维持美国霸权地位成为奥巴马政府巧实力外交政策的主要内容。巧实力外交政策对中美关系也产生了重要影响。     

新阶段中朝经贸合作的新特点及新思路

冷战结束后,中朝关系经历一段磨合出现的新变化使中朝经贸合作呈现出新特点。本文通过对中朝经贸合作特点及朝鲜本国经济特点的分析,提出了深化中朝经贸务实合作的思路:依托中朝两国和国际社会持久的努力,以非市场机制手段有意识地对生产要素的流动进行调节,通过两国生产要素的优化组合,使生产要素充分发挥作用,优势互补,推动朝鲜的生产力和经济发展,从而促进中朝经贸务实合作。     

中国CDM项目的结构分析与对策

本文对中国已开发的CDM项目在类型结构、减排量结构、国际合作方分布和地理分布等方面进行了量化分析和国际比较分析,探讨了其中存在的主要问题及其形成原因,并提出中国CDM项目开发应以可持续发展为宏观管理目标,实行技术优先和技术适宜原则,从政策上引导项目结构的进一步优化。     

Safeguarding Children's Welfare in Non‐Contentious Divorce: Towards a New Conception of the Legal Process?

This article considers the working of the current procedure intended to ensure the welfare of children when their parents divorce but are not seeking any orders relating to them. It shows that the process is ineffective in safeguarding children's welfare and is not geared to ensuring that their wishes and feelings are taken into account. It argues that the focus of policy should shift away from assuming that the legal system can handle the problems of divorce, towards using the legal process as a point of contact through which families can be offered the full range of services they may need during relationship breakdown.     

Vicarious Annihilation: The Effect of Mortality Salience on Perceptions of Hate Crimes

Previous research has found that reminding participants of their mortality creates a need for individuals to maintain and defend subjective cultural worldviews. As a result, mortality salient participants typically strive to uphold legal sanctions and also react negatively to individuals who espouse alternative worldview beliefs, exhibiting behaviors toward those targets ranging from verbal derogation to physical aggression. This paper extends this line of research by examining perceptions of hate crimes. Hate crimes represent a unique class of crime where both the perpetrator and victim may be viewed as worldview violators. Study 1 revealed that mortality salient participants were more supportive of hate crime legislation than were control participants when hate crimes were described in abstract terms and no specific victim was mentioned. In Study 2, a specific victim who posed a potential worldview threat was identified. In this case, mortality salient participants were less punitive toward offenders who attacked these specific worldview-threatening victims.     

The perceived employability of ex-prisoners and offenders

A large-scale study was conducted to examine the perceived employability of ex-prisoners and offenders. Four participant groups comprising 596 (50.4%) employers, 234 (19.8%) employment service workers, 176 (14.9%) corrections workers, and 175 (14.8%) prisoners and offenders completed a questionnaire assessing the likelihood of a hypothetical job seeker's both obtaining and maintaining employment; the importance of specific skills and characteristics to employability; and the likelihood that ex-prisoners, offenders, and the general workforce exhibit these skills and characteristics. Apart from people with an intellectual or psychiatric disability, those with a criminal background were rated as being less likely than other disadvantaged groups to obtain and maintain employment. In addition, ex-prisoners were rated as being less likely than offenders and the general workforce to exhibit the skills and characteristics relevant to employability. Implications for the preparation and support of ex-prisoners and offenders into employment are discussed, together with broader community-wide initiatives to promote reintegration.     

Good News! You may be out of a job reflections on the past and future 50: Years for Northern NGOs

After 50 years of spectacularly successful work (particularly in raising the equity stakes, improving the quality of overseas development aid, fostering Southern NGO work at the international level and organising quick and effective humanitarian assistance), Northern development NGOs have come to a crossroads. The author argues that the history of the NGO 'occupational category', coupled with a changing political and economic environment (the end of the Cold War, rising international investment, declining overseas development aid, and vastly heightened Southern NGO capacity), means that most Northern NGOs should close up shop. Instead, a kaleidoscopic rebirth is envisaged, where four key functions remain for Northerners--as humanitarian agents, economic policy watchers, North-South brokers, and corporate responsibility advocates. This change of job is heralded as good news: evidence that the project of global social justice has moved dramatically forwards.