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211.
Drug users often define themselves as functional users and depict others as dysfunctional (i.e. junkies). Previous research on the social identities of drug users has focused on the symbolic boundaries they create to distance themselves from stigmatized others. Investigators have yet to focus on how users account for their own boundary violations. Here, we examine the narratives of 30 former women methamphetamine (meth) users to determine how they make distinctions between functional and dysfunctional meth users (i.e. “meth heads”). The distinctions they make are based on users’ abilities to maintain control of their lives and to hide their use from outsiders. Those who saw themselves as functional but who engaged in behaviors inconsistent with this image accounted for these behaviors to maintain desired identities. We show the complexity of drug users’ identities and illustrate how anti-drug campaigns that provide grotesque caricatures of drug users may prolong drug using careers. 相似文献
212.
Kevin Mark Dunn Michael Kennedy Jan A. Ali John O’Reilly Lindsay Rogerson 《Police Practice and Research》2016,17(3):196-211
A contested question in the international policing literature is whether it is possible to undertake effective anti-terrorism community policing. The NSW Police Force’s Counter Radicalisation Strategy involved a community engagement initiative that used community liaison officers, mostly working with Sydney Muslim communities. This study reviews the success of this initiative, drawing on data from a survey of Sydney Muslims. The community engagement initiative was found to have direct contact with the community, it was public, and it involved aspects of partnership and relations of depth. For these reasons, the initiative was within the community policing paradigm. There was strong community awareness of the programme, and a majority saw it as successful. There remained pockets of community suspicion and critique, which require attention. The respondents recommended an enhancement of the community policing aspects: more (and wider) contact, visibility and partnership. The findings affirm the utility of community policing for counter-terror work. 相似文献
213.
Stone Katie J. Jackson Yo Noser Amy E. Huffhines Lindsay 《Journal of family violence》2021,36(8):1045-1056
Journal of Family Violence - Foster care is meant to provide a safe, temporary out-of-home placement for children exposed to maltreatment, yet little is known about how youth and foster caregivers... 相似文献
214.
Lindsay Smith 《Women: A Cultural Review》2013,24(2):121-139
The work of the British portrait photographer Madame Yevonde from the early 1930s is distinguished by a bold and creative use of the new Vivex colour process. Her portraits, particularly those of society women, celebrate polychrome as integral to the image, colour as a type of excess meaning that is not accommodated by laws of narrative. Smith reads Yevonde's desire to embrace the potential of the colour photograph in terms of its dramatization of the widespread acceptance of the naturalness of black-and-white. With the availability of colour photography Yevonde's project is to make strange such an accommodation to monochrome while demonstrating the theoretical implications of the capacity for monochrome to hold the potential to register that which eludes it: colour. By bringing to the fore in her autobiography the legacy of formal innovation on the part of women photographers, and by exposing the inappropriateness of the new photographic colour to the subject of still life, Yevonde undermines a powerful assumption in the western tradition of a natural kinship of colour with the genre of still life. 相似文献
215.
Web 2.0 innovations may enhance informed patient decision-making, but also raise ethical concerns about inaccurate or misleading information, damage to the doctor-patient relationship, privacy and confidentiality, and health disparities. To increase the benefits and decrease the risks of these innovations, we recommend steps to help patients assess the quality of health information on the Internet; promote constructive doctor-patient communication about new information technologies; and set standards for privacy and data security in patient-controlled health records and for point-of-service advertising. 相似文献
216.
Alistair Edwards 《Democratization》2013,20(2):444-460
Explanations of democratization are often criticized using criteria that cannot feasibly be satisfied. One possible result of this is that all explanations are made to appear woefully inadequate. Another is the misapplication of the criteria to deliver prejudiced judgement on rival accounts. The problems attached to such criteria are outlined. Replacement strategies adopted by different approaches are identified and assessed, stressing the constructive role that values and interests may play in the appraisal of competing explanations. 相似文献
217.
Thomas K. Lindsay 《Society》2013,50(3):236-244
Allan Bloom’s The Closing of the American Mind (1987) and Richard Arum and Josipa Roksa’s Academically Adrift (2011) stand as bookends. Between them rests a generation of college graduates. Together, they chronicle the crisis in higher education. This paper argues: (1) Adrift’s employment of the Collegiate Learning Assessment (CLA) may serve in part to corroborate Bloom’s contention that popularized moral and cultural relativism have devitalized the love of learning. Students stripped in such fashion might be expected to show little increase in the general collegiate skills that the CLA measures and on which basis Adrift critiques higher education. (2) Adrift may be taken to support Bloom’s case that the higher-education reform that matters most is restoring a required core curriculum consisting of common courses in the sciences and liberal arts. The paper concludes with some reflections on the limits and possibilities of the reforms pointed to by the two books. 相似文献
218.
Despite harsh criticisms, Spanish provincial governments (diputaciones) have survived for 200 years and have remained practically unchanged since the Transition. The survival of diputaciones in a proto-regional state is clearly a paradox that requires consideration of a range of potential explanations. Drawing upon extensive empirical investigation within and around three provincial governments in 2013–2014 (Seville, Barcelona, and Valencia), the survival of the diputaciones is illuminated by the path dependency and functional arguments, but it is most convincingly explained in terms of cartel (party) politics. The impact of the 2008 economic crisis has stretched these “party bargains” to breaking point. 相似文献
219.
Authoritarian leaders’ language provides clues to their survival strategies for remaining in office. This line of inquiry fits within an emerging literature that refocuses attention from state-level features to the dynamic role that individual heads of state and government play in international relations, especially in authoritarian regimes. The burgeoning text-as-data field can be used to deepen our understanding of the nuances of leader survival and political choices; for example, language can serve as a leading indicator of leader approval, which itself is a good predictor of leader survival. In this paper, we apply computational linguistics tools to an authoritarian leader corpus consisting of 102 speeches from nine leaders of countries across the Middle East and North Africa between 2009 and 2012. We find systematic differences in the language of these leaders, which help advance a more broadly applicable theory of authoritarian leader language and tenure. 相似文献
220.
Basic income advocates propose a model that they believe will dramatically improve on current welfare programmes by alleviating poverty, reducing involuntary unemployment and social exclusion, redistributing care work, achieving a better work–life balance, and so on. Whether these expected social effects materialise in practice critically depends on how the model is implemented, but on this topic the basic income debate remains largely silent. Few advocates explicitly consider questions of implementation, and those that do are typically dismissive of the administrative challenges of implementing a basic income and critical (even overtly hostile) towards bureaucracy. In this contribution we briefly examine (and rebut) several reasons that have led basic income advocates to ignore administration. The main peril of such neglect, we argue, is that it misleads basic income advocates into a form of Panglossian optimism that risks causing basic income advocacy to become self‐defeating. 相似文献