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Yoav Alon 《British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies》2009,36(1):55-72
In 1920 the British government of Palestine sent six officers to establish a British presence in Transjordan. Lacking military and financial support, they could not possibly control a country populated by more than 200,000 tribespeople, many of them members of powerful tribal confederacies. The key to explaining why the British chose this unorthodox way to takeover a new territory lies in the special attitude towards Arabia entertained by the British following World War One. British policy derived from an alleged cultural affinity between the British and the ‘Bedouin’, coupled with a colonial tradition of attributing British administrators with a ‘natural’ ability to rule over natives. These two myths gave the British an inflated belief in their ability to rule local society. Drawing on official reports, private papers and local accounts, this article shows that the British grossly misunderstood local conditions and could not deal with the tribal communities that frustrated their attempt to assert British influence. 相似文献
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Alon Burstein 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2018,41(9):696-721
This article explores the ideological rigidity of secular and religious terror groups. Analyzing leaflets disseminated by two Palestinian groups during the First Intifada, it examines if and how each shifted its identity and goals in response to repression, political shifts, or resource changes. The results suggest that while similar catalysts led to ideological reformation among the secular and the religious group, the extent of ideological change within the religious group was more limited. The article argues for the need to disaggregate ideological analysis further in order to identify more subtle shifts, alterations, and omissions, in the positions held by religious terror groups, moving past the exploration of if such changes exist in ideological templates and instead focusing on the extent and type of alterations the different groups allow. 相似文献
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Legal proportionality is one of the most important principles for adjudicating among conflicting values. However, rather little is known about the factors that play a role in the formation of proportionality judgments. This research presents the first empirical analysis in this regard, relying on a sample of 331 legal experts (lawyers and legal academics). The policy domain addressed by the experiment is the antiterrorist military practice of targeted killings, which has been the subject of a legal debate. Our experimental findings suggest that proportionality judgments are receptive to normatively relevant facts. We also find strong correlational evidence for the effect of ideological preferences on such judgments. These results are consistent for two proportionality doctrines. We suggest that proportionality judgment is anchored jointly in the experts’ policy preferences and the facts of the case. We outline the implications of the findings for the psychological and legal literature. 相似文献
4.
Alon Friedman 《社会征候学》2013,23(5):684-697
ABSTRACTStatistical software applications are increasingly used to measure student engagement in the classroom. However, more work remains to be done to clarify how meaning is created and measured in classroom settings. With the growing use of technology in the classroom, students’ peer review has become a standard practice to improve students’ writing skills. This article examines the use of an open-source R software application based on Peirce’s sign theory to analyze students’ peer-review comments. Peer review is the assessment of student or professional work by others. The importance of open-source R as a platform lies in the fact that users can extend its code without having to ask permission. The results suggest a new approach, based on computational and social semiotics, to the assessment of students’ peer-review comments in higher education. 相似文献
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Harel Chorev 《British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies》2013,40(3):305-323
This article deals with the main processes and challenges that the Shi‘ite elite families experienced, beginning in the late 1950s and continuing through the first decade of the twenty-first century. It argues that although the turbulent times caused the socio-political standing of these families to weaken, the change in their status was more moderate than usually acknowledged. Prominent Shi‘ite families remained important factors in the political sphere. In fact, most of them were able to adapt successfully to the changes, particularly by cultivating beneficial relationships with Amal and Hizbullah. This demonstrates that these families, as well as the socio-political phenomena they represented, remained relevant. 相似文献
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This article analyzes the reasons that led to the six UnitedStates forces withdrawals from South Korea between 1947 and2008 and the Republic of Korea's responses to these policies.The article discusses the local and global aspects of theseforces' functions and tasks and attempts to understand why Koreahas not prepared itself for the withdrawal of the US forcesthroughout the years. The article will argue that there mightbe a seventh withdrawal of US forces from Korea in the nearfuture, which South Korea and the USA should begin preparingfor. Received for publication December 20, 2007. Accepted for publication March 28, 2008. 相似文献
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Research on social movement outcomes focuses on the publicly visible stages of government policymaking. It rarely opens the black box of government's translation of movement demands beyond the agenda‐setting stage and before their materialization into legislative bills. Using a bureaucratic politics perspective, we suggest that bureaucrats play a central role in translating movement agendas into concrete problems and policy solutions, which they tend to link with their bureaus' missions and existing programs. We further suggest that relative consensus among bureaucrats when coupled with politicians' disinclination to intervene in the translation process tends to advantage conservative interpretations of movement agendas. Conversely, interbureau confrontation and political intervention are associated with more radical policy responses. Empirically, we examine the responses of the Israeli government to the large‐scale mobilization, in 2011, surrounding the rising costs of housing and living. We build on archival research and interviews with senior bureaucrats located in 11 central‐government ministries. 相似文献
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Criminal sanctions are usually public, stable and predictable.In contrast, the practices governing the determination of theprobability of detection and conviction reinforce uncertainty.We invoke psychological insights to illustrate that criminalsprefer a scheme in which the size of the sentence is uncertainwhile the probability of detection and conviction is certain.Consequently, the choice to increase certainty with respectto the size of the sentence and to decrease certainty with respectto the probability of detection and conviction can be justifiedon the grounds that such a scheme is disfavored by criminalsand consequently has better deterrent effects. 相似文献
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